tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4790292407299866212024-02-08T06:09:41.852-08:00provocAzioneUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger27125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-20209248357311176542023-10-21T10:19:00.003-07:002023-10-24T03:07:14.339-07:00<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.elephanteditions.net/" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="326" data-original-width="331" height="315" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh8p_Lj0VhSHuPDDy-ZVYVWslM0BGFxS1ApxCoGSlaf-kXmEKFFW5chU7qs3E2eowFgYHpi2-cLwM2f-njiopBF4_r6rM9_FAOTvdV8_lgBHrSA9KDOr408Sbr-2PfZ1vo_5YTQgWU_8VdL6HZTLR7nhi1-jaqhvVV5tRyUBVczfOhYazSwbv7nS_pnaJj0/s320/banner-other-sites.png" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkF_aB55eDmuxlOsxOVWgHKC_tqxH2Zy1aS9PRaxuvFIl38hsQiCKSijsq8PTwzEz3lJ0ZJ3d2k-WjLcvnDQaiKEaFaRgnXwEjDo61H114i5blSRLRmRKYPAADLjFI3dbl_MQ82VLfegEYvE-1m1nvtZUitYI50UUCdrMMALKZGN_6yurZiJgGkTdmcReF/s349/banner%20anarchismo.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="349" data-original-width="343" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkF_aB55eDmuxlOsxOVWgHKC_tqxH2Zy1aS9PRaxuvFIl38hsQiCKSijsq8PTwzEz3lJ0ZJ3d2k-WjLcvnDQaiKEaFaRgnXwEjDo61H114i5blSRLRmRKYPAADLjFI3dbl_MQ82VLfegEYvE-1m1nvtZUitYI50UUCdrMMALKZGN_6yurZiJgGkTdmcReF/s320/banner%20anarchismo.png" width="314" /></a></div><br /><p></p>F.S.http://www.blogger.com/profile/10870701448497942976noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-54797636446504652232009-12-25T19:38:00.001-08:002009-12-30T10:25:27.510-08:00ISSUE ONE - January 1987<span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;">EDITORIAL</span><br /><br />In a reality that is opening up possibilities of revolutionary intervention or rather that is strengthening the thrust towards the desire for profound transformation, we need to give ourselves more adequate instruments that can be better understood by eventual users. A paper is always something limited, necessarily circulating within a predetermined circuit. We know this perfectly well. But we will not let ourselves be influenced by those who come out with a sentence of absolute condemnation.<br />So long as it is adequate to these claims and does not turn out to contradict itself or to be too unilateral. That is precisely what we thought we could see in the last series of Anarchismo. A contradiction caused by the fact that we wanted to kill two birds with one stone. One of the two ended up not biting the bait. The documentation and news articles ended up becoming (given the not exactly monthly regularity of Anarchismo) often too late, while analytical examination suffered from seeing itself constrained within the angust dimensions of a few pages.<br />So one ended up becoming unilateral. In fact, the informative model (or counter-informative) ended up deciding in the field of analysis as well, conditioning the latter to the affairs of the moment and preventing the task of analysis that always remains that of “seeing in order to foresee”. You can’t foresee much - so you cannot make your “surprise” actions of the future adequate if your analysis remains tied to affairs of the moment.<br />It is necessary to have the logical space of taking a distance in order to see better. In view of resolving, or rather of lightening, this task, we have given life to ProvocAzione which will come out monthly. More frequent therefore, and more news items. Also analyses. More circumscribed and condensed. Documents and accounts of struggle. Chronicle and considerations. Individuation of events and personages. The enemy and its counterpart. The class war and small actions.<br />A readable paper. At least, so we illude ourselves (and hope). But always readable by having recourse to one’s brain, not to scleroticised residuals of what the mechanisms of consensus have left us with. Our paper will be simple, not simplistic. No specialised language, but not for that will it be “reduced”. No concessions to fashion either, substantial or formal. No cohabitation with those who are killing our capacity to understand, starting from the use of language (written or spoken). Against manipulators and swindlers of all kinds. We have always been against those who illude themselves that they can solve any problem with just one more icon.<br />So much for the form.<br />For the content, the war continues against mystifiers of all kinds, a number of whom are more dangerous than danger in the same way in which every “hanger on” is more realist than the king. The enemy and surroundings. Prospectives and methods of domination and the management of the misery of consensus. Warders and prisoners in the new perspective where reciprocal acceptation of their roles as differences is being weakened, and the few revolutionaries still on the barricades see more and more spotlights on themselves. The projects of power. The places of power.<br />And then rebellion. Wherever it comes about, in whatever way it manifests itself. the revolt to breathe, not to die here and now, asphysixiated by repression or by simple piousness. Torturers or Red Cross nurses, both are our enemies.<br />Now rebellion is beginning to delineate itself for what it is: a permanent state of mind of whoever does not accept charity or cowardice. The pride of rebellion is no longer that of the slave who rebelled because he was constrained to choose between physical death or revolt. Now, at a time when the project of power is based on the prospect of consensus and not pure and simple repression, rebellion is a question of pride and dignity, and it will become so more and more.<br />Now is the time for a serene but firm distinction between revolt and dissent. The insecure and tepid will continue to say no while power prepares to use this no as a further element of government. For how long we have to continue to confuse the respectable pacifist with the decided antagonist of a death system which has disguised itself with progressive possibilism?<br />Is it possible to make this distinction? Or have the roles become so gangrenous as to be inseparable? Have we all become spineless animals? Looking around one sees nothing but beggars. Even comrades that we would never have imagined would have bowed to hypothetical negotiations with power are now talking about the end of the revolution, possible government concessions, a practice of platonic dissent thatdoes not suit the rigidity and firmness we considered them to possess. Disillusion? Perhaps. But also clarity in ideas.<br />The paper wants to unmask this reality, also going into the depths of the shabbiness of excuses and camouflage. The pathetic individual that hides behind formal dissent makes us vomit, but it is necessary from time to time to point to him if we do not want to be overwhelmed by a tide of chatter in all and for all, complying to the will of those who are setting up the dominion of tomorrow.<br />We must harden our hearts if we want to reply effectively as revolutionaries to the perspectives of the “new” rebellion. The time for tenderness has disappeared for good. Now goodness and tolerance towards whoever hesitates or openly collaborates, means betrayal. Yesterday we were considered excessive, but we were only logical. Today we need to be really cruel if we do not also want to become confused with the manifest heap of the utilisable.<br />We are decidedly for the attack on the class enemy and against the structures of power. We consider that today the roads of simple dissent and platonic respectable pacifism are leading into the palace of horrors. Anyone can fool themselves as they wish or manifest their clear conscience to refuse attack, either due to fear or opportunism. May this appear clearly.<br />May the charlatan intriguers and crows of ill omen put an end to their laments. If they have converted to collaboration, may they say so openly and stop trying to throw smoke in our eyes, talking of a presumed impossibility to do anything else.<br />We want to do differently. And along with us millions of men and women who want to struggle in the name of their own dignity.<br /><br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Main articles</span><br /><br />Editorial<br />Nuclear, never again<br />State Servants<br />Proposal for a National Demo<br />Police Shoot at Montalto<br />CONCEDE TO REPRESS (AMB)<br />Communique-Pentiti Mai<br />The Battle of Montalto di Castro<br />Infamity Explained to the People<br />THE RAILWORKERS’STRUGGLE (PLP)<br />Pasqua the Terrible<br />Arrests - France - Geminiani<br />The Mayor Loses Ground OV<br />Reply to Orestino Domenichelli’s Declaration<br />Chirac’s Face<br />Propulsive Utopia<br />Spain, China, Italy<br />Let’s Burn the School<br />“Action Directe”<br />The School Between Jumps and Projects<br />Functions of the Educational system<br />Military Nuclear - Two Unexploded Bombs<br />Vengeance -Alfa Romeo Showroom, Explosive Device<br />Hunting the Hunters<br />D.C. Robbed - Clashes at New Year<br />Homeless Defends Himself with Lions - A Doubt About Carlo Rubbia<br />Deja Vu (Not too much)<br />Attack on Carlo Rubbia<br />Attack on Methane Gas Duct<br />Foreigners and the CGIL<br /><br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;">Chronicle</span><br /><br />Olbia - Sardinia - data centre in Olbia. Town hall burned and documents and calculators destroyed. Mayor’s room and others destroyed. On the walls “Olbia is sad, we need work and dignity” “Perhaps the cat is sad”.<br /><br />State servants: many ‘repentents’ and dissociated left prison - how defend them? - police escorts - and proletarian justice?<br /><br />Arrests: comrades in France - including anarchist Roberto Gemigniani<br /><br />Chirac: demos in France - students truncheoned - against Devaquet law<br /><br />Burn the school: students try to set fire to school - a good citizen rings the police<br /><br />Action Direct: 15 Dec. A.D. strike ex-minister Peyrefitte - against student demos - and “abolition of Devaquet law” bomb in car<br /><br />Vengeance: 72 year old kills ex-PM who sentences him to 20 years in ‘55. Escapes in hired van then takes poison when police capture him.<br /><br />Milan showroom: “Workers on the dole” claim attack on Alfa Romeo showroom in Milan<br /><br />Hunt the hunters: Barbagia: 60 attacks in a month - hooded men take their arms and game and wallets. Over 100 arms taken<br /><br />C.D. robbed: half a billion in cash stolen from safe in D.C. headquarters in Rome<br />New Year clashes: G.B. London, Liverpool, Leeds, special riot police - generalised illbeing - demos take up the right to joy, to play - new roads of liberatory violence. They must not be blocked.<br /><br />Evicted man defends himself: Padova - englishman threatened with eviction puts three lions in garden.<br /><br />Deja vu: “La Scala - demo like old times - slogans, eggs, spitting<br /><br />Attack on methane duct : Christmas night - Palazzo Canavese, Ivrea - 2 detonators and 100 metres of fuse - duct main line explodes<br /><br />Antimilitarist attacks: over 100 NATO tanks sabotaged over last few days at Sanem base in Luxemburg<br /><br />Half ton explosive destroys barracks in Belfast. 6 employed in barracks woounded. IRA<br /><br />Chile, December: national information central attacked - one killed, others wounded.<span style="font-weight: bold;"></span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-60661841781951338072009-12-25T14:36:00.000-08:002009-12-30T10:22:22.955-08:00THE STATE IS TERRORIST BY NATURE[PROVOCaZIONE n. 26, p. 15]<br /><br />The acquittal of the accused neofascists for the Bologna station massacre is the confirmation, if there ever was any need for it, that the State is the real terrorist.<br />The apparently inexplicable massacres that have taken place, beginning from piazza Fontana*, and which have deeply marked the development of social struggles in our country, bear all the unmistakable signs of power system.<br />Past and present history has demonstrated without a shadow of doubt that the State apparatus is behind the fascist puppets and all the sections of the secret services, ready to give orders, to provide means and coverups.<br />We are not particularly interested in finding out the names of those materially responsible for the massa-cres; nor do we intend to waste our time with the ritual antifascism that buds from every massacre. That only helps power, which in this way manages to deviate revolutionary antagonism from against itself, by deviating it on to the fascists, in this case, used to draw it into a trap.<br />It is important instead to be conscious of the fact that the massacres, like terrorism on a large scale, i.e. war, or large scale sackings and so on, serve to give States a stable solution to their crises, to their police order disturbed by the social struggles in course.<br />Moreover, thanks to indiscriminate terror, States manage not only to hide their true nature, attributing it to their most intransigent enemies, that is to say those who want to destroy them, but also present themselves to public opinion in the role of the victim: "Terrorism, by striking institutions and their men, want to force us to come into the same field, that of violence, to then demonstrate to us our presumed authoritarian and antidemocratic nature. But, as you can see, we are not capitulating in the face of this blackmail, we are combating terrorism keeping ourselves within the ambit of democratic legality". In this way States manage to render credible even their democratic mask.<br />There remains the fact that terrorism is a phenomenon that is natural to the State as such, therefore not attributable as it is claimed only to declaredly authoritarian, dictatorial States. The only difference consists in the fact that in dictatorial States terrorism is normal administration, it is the rule; while in the "democratic" States it is an episodic phenomenon.<br />All the same, looking into it, this difference turns out to be fictitious, being based on a reductive interpretation of the phenomenon, in the sense that it does not take into account the other aspect of terrorism: the less noticeable one as such in the ambit of sensitive experience and if we like which is conceptually more difficult to define, but not for this less ferocious and inhuman in its effects.<br />Because this other aspect of State terrorism, which we shall now speak of, manages to make itself "invi-sible", not have itself identified, so one is led to think that in the formally democratic States they do not constitute the rule. Because in its manifestation it does it not present the traits that immediately make one think of terrorism as it is commonly known.<br />In other words, because in people's imagination terrorism is only that which causes death and loss of blood.<br />It happens thus that this identification of terrorism in death and blood, i.e. in its outcomes that are available to the "naked eye", leads one not to qualify as terrorist the outcomes through which the other aspect of terror carried out by States, i.e. oppression and exploitation in general, daily phenomena, certainly not episodic.<br />Oppression and exploitation therefore: this is the true face of terrorism. And it is infinitely more cruel and devastating than any massacre, because it is unceasing, it acts constantly in time and space, sadistically scientific, causing individuals unspeakable physical and psychological suffering, because it obliges them to live in the terror of a precarious, injust, existence, dominated by the non values of the State and capital subtracted from individual and collective control. Terrorism therefore essentially consists in the exercising of dominion.<br />That is why those who make a distinction between a dictatorial State and a democratic one seem incongruous. These distinctions are extremely dangerous when made by anarchists, because they induce one to seeing violence a useful and legitimate means only if used against openly authoritarian regimes.<br />But we have seen that in democratic regimes people are also governed by terror. Consequently, it is really difficult for us to understand, for what obscure reason one should use two scales: yes to violence against the dictators, no to violence against the terrorism of the democrats.<br />The terrorism remains such no matter what form-State expresses it. And violence is not a choice that we have made, it is the terrorist State that obliges us to respond with revolutionary violence, an eminently defensive violence, even if that does not mean that we must stay with our hands folded waiting for aggression.<br />We can and we must attack too, in our own time and in our own way, in the perspective of the violent destruction of the State.<br />By definition revolutionaries are against any reformist logic, against any negotiation with the bosses, against any compromise with the institutions. They do not disdain the arm of critique but also want to go beyond that, struggling against all those who work in order to guarantee oppression and exploitation, under whatever form and whatever flag.<br /><br /><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-style: italic;">Antonio Gizzo</span><br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-81319844709815254532009-12-25T14:35:00.001-08:002011-07-28T11:56:35.162-07:00ANTINUCLEAR DYNAMITEFacts show the antinuclear saboteurs to be in the right. At the same time they show up the pointlessness of calling for referendums or petitions.<br />Within the framework of an uninterrupted ecological and antinuclear struggle carried out against the ENEL, on September l 10th 1990, two giant pylons linking the sorting plant of Albertville near Lyons to the same kind of plant in Rondissone were severed. The action was carried out in the region called Baldissero Canavese, 40 kilometres from Turin.<br />This is also the line most used by the ENEL for transporting energy through the Small San Bernard pass, electric power produced by the French nuclear station at CreysMalville, better known as the Superphenix. At the time of the action the station had been closed for two months for maintenance work.<br />On this occasion the media went to town, giving much space to the news of what had happened, supported by technical details that were quite impressive.<br />We know just about everything about the way this antinuclear sabotage was carried out, then, from the time, about 6.20am, to the fact that three charges of explosive were used a few seconds from each other, that they completely uprooted giant pylons 223 and 224 about 300 hundred metres from each other, pulling down about a kilometre of electric cables.<br />The first to fall to the ground was the one near the plain. After having rendered it invalid, ie sawn the two downhill legs, the other two upstream were carefully mined with 200 grammes of gelatine explosive of the kind used in quarries. In this way the poor thing did not remain in that uncomfortable position for long, in most unstable equilibrium. The explosion, a liberation for both pylons, reduced them both to the same condition thirty seconds later. The latter, fallen into the valley below, fell on to a secondary 15,000 volt line, putting it out of use. The latter was used for supplying electricity to the surrounding villages.<br />The damage caused to the ENEL by this antinuclear sabotage was considerable: over a million pounds. For those interested in statistics, this is the fourth sabotage that has been carried out against that parti-cular electric line which was built in spite of the many protests by people of the area and which began functio-ning in 1987.<br />The first attack took place on September 18 1988 at Vallo Caluso; the second, on September 10 1989 at Settimo Torinese; the third on March 3 1990 at Are di Caluso. The first two attempts failed as the pylon, although sawn copiously and ingenious precautions were taken, had resisted. In the attack at Settimo explosives were used for the first time. In that carried out in the Are di Caluso area, a flat area, the first maxi-pylon, 45 metres high, weighing 6 tons, similar to the one at Baldissero, was successfully slain. One should remember that in '88 and '89 the electroducts that start out from the nuclear station at Caorso were also attacked. The same technique was used.<br />For those who like to know the best tested and most likely to succeed technique used to slay the pylons: two of the four supports are sawn at the base and the other two are mined. The explosion cuts them in half and the weight of the cables completes the work making it smash to the ground.<br />For once modern technology seems to have worked against itself. It has produced a kind of electric saw fed by an electrogenic group that can be silenced. The most commonly used explosive, according to the experts, is common gelatine with a nitroglycerine base contained in cartridges, better known as sticks of dynamite, with a slow combustion detonator and fuse. According to one expert, to cut through an ENEL 45 metre support a 250-300 gramme charge is sufficient.. Probably to be sure, still according to the same expert, the antinuclear saboteurs who made the two giant pylons go crashing to the ground, seem to have used double that amount. A crude technique in his opinion. But quite an effective one, given the results that who put them into practice, obtained.<br />The importance that this antinuclear sabotage has is due to the fact that this plant is a key link for transporting energy from abroad to Italy. About 40 per cent of the electric power acquired by the ENEL yearly in Europe. Its transporting capacity is three thousand megawatts a year.<br />This has undoubtedly been a heavy antinuclear sabotage, in that it struck one of the nerve cells of the interconnection network, putting the whole national electricity supply in crisis for a number of hours . The transport system of electric energy used by the ENEL comes from the construction of a network, which makes it possible to bypass the breakdown and link up to other suppliers who in this case might be Switzerland, Yugoslavia, Austria.<br />Once again, after this event, a number of newspapers with little imagination, linked the sabotage to the review <span style="font-style: italic;">Anarchismo</span>.<br />We remember that this constant reference to the review concerns the fact that in 1988 it was "guilty" of having published a recipe of anarchist culinary skill concerning sabotage. In practice it was instructions for felling pylons, signed by an anarchist group operating the sector.<br />We should not forget, finally, that on the wave of the recent rise in petrol prices due to the armed conflict in the Persian Gulf, the use of nuclear energy in Italy has been discussed by various parties. In November the government itself, through its prime minister Andreotti, made it known that it intended to reconsider the plan laid out on energy policies, leading to believe that it was no longer tabu to say yes to nuclear energy. On the same track, the present industry minister Adolfo Battaglia communicated that 150 billion lire had been taken from the budget to be destined to the ENEA exclusively for research, which is already, being spent on safe (sic) nuclear power. There are also industrial agreements with the Ansaldo for the restructuring of 16 soviet power stations with gas turbines, this in the framework of an electricity supply from the USSR .<br />Finally, the counsel of ministers foresees an amendment of the law on saving that is being discussed in the senate for another 1300 or 1400 billion, especially with a tax on anhydride carbon. At the same time an energy and ecology tax. Often concerning the ENEL who then puts it on the consumers.<br />But perhaps all this is a good thing as it tears away the veil of hypocrasy that had been created by the referendum.<br />Nuclear power has never been stopped in the research laboratories. By financing the ENEA in this way, nothing is done but make public this research that has been carried out unofficially in the meantime. Just as not much time will pass before the construction of a new nuclear power station with second generation reactors, naturally passed off as "ultra-safe".<br />It is obvious, after what has been said, that the struggle carried out by the antinuclear saboteurs against the ENEL is the only valid methodological choice against those against the institutionalist one of the pacifists. Contrary to what the newspapers and those working for the conservation of this system of domination, what we have been talking about is turning out to be, without any doubt, the only practical method for putting the death production out of operation.<br />The use of sabotage as direct revolutionary action is the dividing line that separates coherent antinuclear ecologists from the whole parainstitutional mire that aims through petitions or public referendums to render inoffensive any real opposition against the projects of dominion put into act on the territory of State and capital.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-86792854869529590202009-12-25T14:34:00.001-08:002009-12-25T14:34:31.938-08:00ANARCHIST BOMB AGAINST VATICAN RADIOChristmas 1990 was characterised by various attacks against the catholic church in Italy. From Vatican Radio to nativity scenes, to the churches, the objectives for anyone who desires to express their militant anti-clericalism is certainly not lacking.<br />December 25 in Piazza Pia, Rome, not far from the Vatican where people gather like sheep to pay ho-mage to the nativity scenes that the church constructs every year, anarchist comrades placed a bomb in the building that hosts the Vatican radio station, Radio Vaticana.<br />The explosion caused some structural damage to the building and windows were shattered. At the same time it damaged the offices of the USSO (United States Services Organisation) the American armed forces circle, and the St Cecilia Academy auditorium. The action was claimed in a communique sent both to the Ansa press agency and to the anar-chist paper ProvocAzione. It reads as follows: We too have celebrated 'Holy Christmas' in the way we like most: by attacking Radio Vaticana, that pusher of ideological drugs, with dynamite.<br />A(encircled)<br />However, this was not the only action of dissent and struggle against the religious mystification that Christmas represents.<br />In Udine, persons unknown set fire to the nativity scene in piazza St Giacomo, after having cut the fence sur-rounding it. In this way the "great work" was destroyed. It had been built five years earlier by an architect doing military service in the town, and was donated to the population by the army. An example of goodwill by an institution whose main task is that of perpetrating legalized massacres and repression.<br />Still the same night, in Padova, fire started by who knows who reduced life-sized papier mache statues that were part of a nativity scene, to cinders.<br />And finally, another act of sabotage to Christmas festivities was carried out in Cortina. This time the usual "unknown" used the telephone as a means of attack. They announced the presence of an inexi-stent bomb in a church where 800 PEOPLE WERE WAITING TO HEAR THE PRIEST’S SERMON. The service was interrupted and the church evacuated. <br /><br /><br />THE MODERN CHURCH AND TV<br />Religious propaganda in the computer technology society is being put out through the methodical use of advanced mass communication technology. There is now a need to relaunch an anticlerical struggle that is capable of short-circuiting this massive work of indoctrination.<br />Religious propaganda is making giant leaps forward in modern capitalist society by using increasingly advanced technology.<br />In recent years the ecclesiastical hierarchy as well as individual parishes, priests and other expressions of the christian religion in its many forms, have thrown themselves on to the radio waves. In Italy alone there are over 500 religious radio stations, and 50 TV studios. If one also considers that the catholic weekly Famiglia Cristiana has the highest publication rate of all magazines in Italy, and that all the churches from those in tiny villages to many of the city ones, bombard the surrounding population with amplified records of bell ringing and mass, one can see the effort the church is making to gain a place within the present day dimension of manipulation and control using information technology.<br />Information is only the most recent field in which the catholic (but not only) church is continuing to de-velop its ramifications in society. But we should not forget that it has al-ways played a fundamental role in the economy (Vatican Bank, etc), politics, social control (there are more churches than carabinieri barracks in Italy), and in the so-called social services (centres for drug addicts, Aids victims, social centres, etc). All this gives an idea of the influence of religion and the Church within the mo-dern capitalist process, and this should push us to review the problem of religion within our radical struggle for the demolition of the state of present things.<br />The very practical, material nature of the churches' ramifications in social reality should make us think about our approach as anarchist revolutionaries concerning the problem of the struggle against clericalism and religion.<br /> Atheism and anti-clericalism must not simply concentrate on a ritual opposition to the formal aspects of religion. Opposition to religious rites like christening, communion or marriage ceremonies, or to religious teaching in schools, leads to forms of antagonism that are just as formal and dependent on faith ( albeit an anti-religious one) such as de-baptising, civil marriage ceremonies, demands for `free' religious studies, non-payment of taxes destined to the church, etc.<br />A radical and materialist opposition to religion cannot but be anarchist insurrectionalist, moving in the direction of attacking and throwing into disorder the bases where the church has grown roots, i.e. in its concrete expressions in the social field, and sabotage certainly becomes one of the most effective instruments in this struggle without boundaries or intermediaries. A struggle within the most total war against capital and the State.<br />p.r.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-22960654887085578222009-12-25T14:33:00.001-08:002009-12-25T14:33:44.745-08:00THIRD WORLDPROVO N. 12 PP 1-5<br /><br /> THE ECONOMIC and social situation in the countries of the Third World has in no way changed from the beginning of the eighties, in fact it has regressed frighteningly, accentuating the inequality between rich and poor countries more and more. Underdeveloped countries exist where the income, consumerism and investment have gone back to the level of the seventies, and others, such as the poorest African countries, have even sunk back to the level of the sixties.<br /> The situation is tragic from every point of view for the peoples living in these territories. This was brought up in a UN report (November 1987) that was drawn up concerning the world food situation, and in the latest annual report of the World Bank in Washington, where they speak of the "debts" contracted by these countries and their economic development.<br /> From an examination of what is contained in these two reports - even though for obvious reasons they are very "contained" so as not to alarm world public opinion - one can get some idea of the dramatic level of the social and economic conditions that Third World populations are living in.<br /> At the same time the progressive and humanitarian democrats of the opulent Western World are boasting on various fronts of the aid being given to these populations to fight famine. They promote vast campaigns of public opinion and solidarity which are in fact more useful to the States, parties, unions, Church and capital itself as they create social consensus by exploiting the disasters that have been brought about by the structure of dominion itself.<br /> The extermination of entire populations continues in the Third World. This is not only due to the extension of the problem of hunger and the spreading of infectious diseases new and old - some, such as AIDS, deadly gifts from capitalism - but to the very aid sent by the Western countries, in reality a scientific way to assassinate them more quickly.<br /> In fact any "help" given is no more than a way to increase these countries' dependency on the more powerful ones. The richer countries resupply the Third World with goods of primary necessity that are not sufficient for a correct alimentation given the different climatic conditions that these populations live in and that the food supplied contains a high fat content. The same goes for agriculture: what is promoted is based on indiscriminate deforestation which is leading to the irreversible process of desertising the planet, increasing the already torrid temperature and limiting the natural production of oxygen. An ecological disaster of immense proportions is already taking place in some areas of the African sub-continent.<br /> It should be added that the plan for "progress" and development in these countries is nothing more than a model for the systematic destruction of every previous internal rural economy. This is aimed at installing an industrial process based exclusively on the production of death, carried out by multinationals such as Union Carbide, responsible for the death and maiming of thousands of people, and one of the greatest ecological disasters produced by capitalist industrialisation.<br /> Moreover, while they are amassing huge profits due to the very low cost of labour and the indiscriminate looting of the raw materials which these countries contain, the opulent and advanced western capitalists are getting even richer, and are accelerating the process of impoverishment of these countries. These crimes are being carried out by capital daily, with the complicity of the various States, to the injury of these peoples all over the world.<br /> This picture perfectly fits the logic of dominion that is at the basis of the modern cynical democratic conviction concerning progressive, humanitarian and "civilising" man.<br /> To come back to the figures, the UN reports that in the African subcontinent 25 per cent of the population is undernourished: this means one hundred million people. Infant mortality from 0 to 5 years is 4 million children every year. In southern Asia, excluding China, 15 per cent of the population turns out to be undernourished, 160-170 million inhabitants out of a population of 800 million altogether.<br /> This UN report, drawn up to tame world public opinion, cynically considers undernourished those people who manage to assimilate the minimum number of calories required in order not to die of starvation and to be able to move slightly. The statistical tables used in this report bring to mind those used in the nazi concentration camps. In fact, such a report covers up the true conditions that exist in the poorest countries, as the number of people who die of hunger is far higher. If one started off by considering a greater number of calories to be necessary, enough to allow the development of any activity that requires even a very modest dispensation of energy, the figures would soar vertiginously. Above all, all the areas of the world are not examined: for example, Latin America is not even mentioned as well as some areas of Africa and Asia.<br /> The World Bank report begins with a reference to the debt contracted by the Third World, increased by 6.25 per cent, which corresponds to the hyperbolic figure of 1.190 billion dollars, which could become 1.245 before the end of this year. All this is in spite of the fact that in 1987, for the fourth consecutive year, the countries that are poorest and most in debt have sent increasingly high sums of money to the creditor countries in payment of interest: more than they have received in new loans.<br />Here again the kind of "help" given by the most industrialised countries to their poorer "brothers" emerges.<br /> All the same, what worries the World Bank is not so much the abnormal in-crease in Third World debt, so much as its level of internal development which, as well as not having shown any improvement, has regressed in some cases. If this is the situation in which the poor nations are living in a period where the world economy is going full sail ahead - they ask - what will happen in a period of recession'? It is particularly on this point that the problem lies.<br /> The World Bank director for international economy, Jean Baneth, points out that it would take only a simple moment of stasis in the process of economic development of various countries to bring about a fall into a state of poverty for wide sectors of the population. He adds “it is also potentially disruptive at the social and political level. It threatens the survival of many new and fragile democracies and, more widely, of regimes which favour cooperation rather than conflict”<br /> In simple terms what this means is that it would take only a period of crisis in the world economy to provoke a chain reaction within the countries involved, that could open up tensions and vast areas of social and political conflict. The extension of this would mean great difficulty for the institutions in controlling the situation: the result could be the overturning of the present capitalist order.<br /> Their main preoccupation is therefore that of exorcising the spectre of "social disorder", of a radicalisation of the class conflict within the countries that, once involved in such a situation, could make their world and their economic order based on the fragile equilibrium established by State terror, crumble down around them.<br />It is also in this sense that the proposal of the entry of the USSR into Western capital's international organisations should be seen. In fact an improvement of relations between the two superpowers, not only in political but also economic, financial and commercial terms, would undoubtedly create conditions of major instability for the whole world economy, as well as that within the individual States. The support that the US government is giving to their entry into the International Monetary Fund is based exclusively on reciprocal economic and political interest, not the ideological questions that are talked about so much to deceive the unprepared.<br /> Capitalism and Statism are two realities that are not instituted at planetary level. They differ only in their exterior forms and in the way they are applied in the various countries, but their substance is identical. In the West as in the East, for the proletarians of the whole world, these concepts will always mean exploitation and oppression. The imperialist wars of conquest between the two superpowers have been over for some time. They have already colonised the whole planet. Their present interest is to come to an agreement and cooperate at all levels to guarantee themselves a painless and ordered management of their dominion within their respective areas of influence having recourse to their smaller collaborators who, in exchange for services rendered, receive welcome compensation in political terms.<br /> But just as there is a precise social hierarchy within States, there is also another between the State "extras", which one knows, are always in the pay of the powerful, and are treated as such by their bosses. Basically the wellbeing that is shown off by the economically and technologically more advanced countries has come about and continues to come about through the oppression and exploitation of the proletariat internally, and through the impoverishment of the populations in the underdeveloped countries in the Course of development.<br /> Further confirmation comes from the same World Bank report when it states that under the weight of the debt and the interest paid in the 80s, the middle range pro capita income in Latin America was reduced by a seventh and at least by a quarter in the poorest African countries. This is causing serious economic and social differences within them and an increase in tension between those countries that find themselves in the same situation.<br /> In their report the experts are therefore trying to find palliatives to resolve some of these problems, without obviously facing them at the roots. The situation of the economic crisis in Mexico is illuminating for example. Inflation there has reached the level of 140 per cent. Well, among the proposals of the World Bank there is the recent one to cover a part of the Mexican debt with special US treasury bonds, and there is also that formulated in 1985 by the secretary of the American treasury Baker, who fore-sees new loans but excludes any moratorium on loans given in the past. It was the World Bank itself who recognised the inconsistency of both these proposals, in that, if these solutions had been applied they would only have had the effect of slowing up the degenerative process, reducing the foreseeable negative effects which would consequently bring heavy repercussions on the world economy. <br /> Beyond the figures and statistics, from our point of view, the revolutionary one, it will take quite different and radical measures to solve these problems that seem enormous and insurmountable.<br /> Even between the lines of the reports of all these "experts" we are able to read what their main worry is, i.e. to find a plan which will put a brake on all the thrusts of revolt that naturally animate the exploited in every part of the world. It is always the latter who pay the cost of the world social and economic "crisis" that exists in their own countries. That is why the "solutions" that revolutionaries all over the world must search for can only be those aimed at accelerating a process of social subversion for the destruction of capitalism and all States on a planetary scale. But this leads us to another discourse!<br /><br />Pierleone PorcuUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-24787921859797326982009-12-25T14:30:00.000-08:002011-07-28T09:55:52.385-07:00WHAT BETTER SOLIDARITYWhat better solidarity can a comrade who finds himself in prison receive than that of learning first from the media, then from the papers of the movement, that the struggle against injustice and exploitation is attacking in first person.<br />For a comrade who finds himself in prison, all actions such as this, or of another kind but which however support an irreducibility against power, are the best attestations of active solidarity, and also against all those who with paternalism and gradualism theorise and put into practice an illusory counterposition that maintains oppression intact.<br />Who knows why I, on the contrary to the OACN/FAI, never had any doubt that the authors of these actions were comrades? It is in individual autonomy, united to a continuous critical development both of oneself and the group one belongs to, that one finds the means for avoiding taking positions or making congressual proclamations...<br />It is due to their instinct of conservation that structures of synthesis have recourse to these systems. Free people do not need structures of synthesis that transform organisation into an institution whereby the latter, initially conceived to increase freedom, becomes an instrument that limits it.<br />The informal organisation does not have, nor does it want, strategies drawn up at a table, but<br />organises itself in affinity groups which meet and disband according to the needs of the moment, because they recognise their common action on concrete political presuppositions, basing their methods on an insurrectionalist logic...<br />Gradualism, anarcho-syndicalism, social ecology a la Murray Bookchin are nothing more than invitations to desist, propagandists of mental schemas that accustom the proletarian masses to accept the logic of slow change or quantitive illusions of the kind "if there are only a hundred of us we cannot do anything, if there are 56 million, then that's all right".<br />...As good christians for Libertarian socialism, those of the OACN/FAI are trying to reconcile interests so far removed from each other that only those whose are brains are polluted with the myth of the working class can affirm such a thing. But these impavid ones do more, taken as they are by the fear of falling into the hands of the repression, these villains want to confuse comrades comparing attacks of a fascistic kind aimed at terrorising and killing people indiscriminantly with the endorsement of the secret services, with sabotage which speaks for itself as revolutionary and antagonistic on the basis of the objective struck. The choice of objective shows that they are comrades. What would be the point otherwise of making counterinformation about nuclear power, militarism, or about revolutionary solidarity, against everything that the media invent, or publishing lists of Italian companies that have relations with South Africa? Isn't it an implicit invitation to comrades to act, also possibly in the line of attack? What other aim could this list have?<br />There is no separation between theory and practice. Only in the logic of inconclusive chatter poses these problems to dig the grave of those who de not conform, failing to show active solidarity with those comrades who at an informal level and autonomously decided, in their own specific situation, to attack, believing that it is right to strike now right away without waiting....<br />It is more incisive to organise in one's own situation. Self-organised forms of struggle based on permanent conflictuality, against delegating and above all for the direct action of all the exploited. As anarchists are also exploited in first person they must be the first to do what they advise others to do....<br />Any action that concretely upsets power or that hinders the project of social control, any action that demonstrates that in Palestine, as in all the other places in the world, anyone who rebels against power is in the right. If we begin to draw distinctions, then it is the usual tune, that of an organisation of synthesis, which for its way of relating, that is of approaching the reality of the struggle in order to synthesize it within the organisation, becomes an obstacle on the path to social revolution.<br />Pippo StasiUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-47083782998352052672009-12-25T14:29:00.002-08:002009-12-25T14:30:07.878-08:00GLAD TO SEE YOUAlfredo Bonanno and Pippo Stasi have been released following two years in prison. A return to the struggle. A weighing up and a taking of distance from all the hypocrisy and all the talk.<br />Glad to see you..<br />Against all those who in one way or another dribbled their uncontainable bile upon our arrest, against the hopes of others who finally breathed a sigh of relief when they knew we were in prison for who knows how long, and against the truffles concealed behind a hypocritical, gossipy and ambiguous solidarity - suddenly, like a jack-in-the-box in a nightmare, we are out.<br />The reason for this was the reduction of all sentences approved recently by the government to level the differences in judicial treatment resulting from the application of the new procedural penal code. But we like to think that basically the true reason for it was our personal and incredible good luck.<br />This is not the best place to salute all those who abstained, kept out of they way, or wove embroilment and calumny against us from the shadows. Against all of them, and there were certainly legions of them, went our contempt right from the moment we went into prison. Now, from our newly acquired freedom, we cannot but address them a subtle and hazy thought, like the blade of a knife.<br />Some might say, nothing else was to be expected from the mephitic sectors of an unfortunately not small part of the anarchist movement. We knew this, and had no intention of picking up the gossip, or, worse still, begging the solidarity of those who could not give it if for no other reason than that it would have been against their socialdemocratic and possibilistic positions. But there are limits. There are words and words, silences and silences.<br />Some attitudes turned out to be even worse than seemed possible, precisely because of the limpidity and simplicity of the situation. What can anyone say about a robbery carried out for personal reasons, as we declared right from the start? Absolutely nothing. Yet the rubbish dump that infects the anarchist movement found a way to talk about it in every possible way, not only violently, to our faces while we were not in a position to defend ourselves as we would have liked to and as w would have known how to had we been free to move around, but also behind our backs, with the technique of slander and infestation of corridors to which some old hags of the Italian (and not only Italian) movement have resorted for decades.<br />Basically, to see so much squalor from inside prison, if at first it amazed us, later led us to reflect on the real condition our movement finds itself in. It gave us a better idea of the availability in the field. It enabled us to see the subtle distinction between true and false solidarity, pacifist and religious opportunism, to distinguish those who see themselves committed in words to declarations that are far from the way they really behave - from the revolutionary solidarity that expresses itself in continuous, spread out, capillary action within the often insurmountable limitations of their own possibilities.<br />And it has been a great lesson for both of us, as we think it has been for many other comrades spread around more or less everywhere, comrades not yet affected by the stinking air that hangs around us, but who instead are more free to reason with their own heads and feel themselves ideally engaged in a project of a revolutionary transformation of the reality that surrounds us.<br />Much has changed from the moment when, two years ago, we were arrested in Bergamo during an attempted robbery in a jeweller's shop. Much has changed in reality as a whole. World upheavals have taken place, lived by us through the filter of the prison bars, and perhaps the world that we have found outside is different. But of one thing we are sure. One thing that has not changed - if anything it has been strengthened - is our revolutionary consciousness, our way of seeing the distribution of the forces available for the struggle and, principally, our even more acute desire to go to the search of the enemy, the class enemy, obviously, but also, - and why not! – of our own personal enemies!<br />Glad to see you, and till we meet again.<br /><br />Alfredo Bonanno Pippo StasiUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-80511876874004801372009-12-25T14:29:00.001-08:002009-12-25T14:29:24.421-08:00THE STATE IS TERRORIST BY NATUREPROVOCaZIONE 26 P.15<br /><br />The acquittal of the accused neofascists for the Bologna station massacre is the confirmation, if there ever was any need for it, that the State is the real terrorist.<br />The apparently inexplicable massacres that have taken place, beginning from piazza Fontana*, and which have deeply marked the development of social struggles in our country, bear all the unmistakable signs of power system. <br />Past and present history has demonstrated without a shadow of doubt that the State apparatus is behind the fascist puppets and all the sections of the secret services, ready to give orders, to provide means and coverups.<br />We are not particularly interested in finding out the names of those materially responsible for the massa-cres; nor do we intend to waste our time with the ritual antifascism that buds from every massacre. That only helps power, which in this way manages to deviate revolutionary antagonism from against itself, by deviating it on to the fascists, in this case, used to draw it into a trap.<br />It is important instead to be conscious of the fact that the massacres, like terrorism on a large scale, i.e. war, or large scale sackings and so on, serve to give States a stable solution to their crises, to their police order disturbed by the social struggles in course.<br />Moreover, thanks to indiscriminate terror, States manage not only to hide their true nature, attributing it to their most intransigent enemies, that is to say those who want to destroy them, but also present themselves to public opinion in the role of the victim: "Terrorism, by striking institutions and their men, want to force us to come into the same field, that of violence, to then demonstrate to us our presumed authoritarian and antidemocratic nature. But, as you can see, we are not capitulating in the face of this blackmail, we are combating terrorism keeping ourselves within the ambit of democratic legality". In this way States manage to render credible even their democratic mask.<br />There remains the fact that terrorism is a phenomenon that is natural to the State as such, therefore not attributable as it is claimed only to declaredly authoritarian, dictatorial States. The only difference consists in the fact that in dictatorial States terrorism is normal administration, it is the rule; while in the "democratic" States it is an episodic phenomenon.<br />All the same, looking into it, this difference turns out to be fictitious, being based on a reductive interpretation of the phenomenon, in the sense that it does not take into account the other aspect of terrorism: the less noticeable one as such in the ambit of sensitive experience and if we like which is conceptually more difficult to define, but not for this less ferocious and inhuman in its effects.<br />Because this other aspect of State terrorism, which we shall now speak of, manages to make itself "invi-sible", not have itself identified, so one is led to think that in the formally democratic States they do not constitute the rule. Because in its manifestation it does it not present the traits that immediately make one think of terrorism as it is commonly known.<br />In other words, because in people's imagination terrorism is only that which causes death and loss of blood.<br />It happens thus that this identification of terrorism in death and blood, i.e. in its outcomes that are available to the "naked eye", leads one not to qualify as terrorist the outcomes through which the other aspect of terror carried out by States, i.e. oppression and exploitation in general, daily phenomena, certainly not episodic.<br />Oppression and exploitation therefore: this is the true face of terrorism. And it is infinitely more cruel and devastating than any massacre, because it is unceasing, it acts constantly in time and space, sadistically scientific, causing individuals unspeakable physical and psychological suffering, because it obliges them to live in the terror of a precarious, injust, existence, dominated by the non values of the State and capital subtracted from individual and collective control. Terrorism therefore essentially consists in the exercising of dominion.<br />That is why those who make a distinction between a dictatorial State and a democratic one seem incongruous. These distinctions are extremely dangerous when made by anarchists, because they induce one to seeing violence a useful and legitimate means only if used against openly authoritarian regimes.<br />But we have seen that in democratic regimes people are also governed by terror. Consequently, it is really difficult for us to understand, for what obscure reason one should use two scales: yes to violence against the dictators, no to violence against the terrorism of the democrats.<br />The terrorism remains such no matter what form-State expresses it. And violence is not a choice that we have made, it is the terrorist State that obliges us to respond with revolutionary violence, an eminently defensive violence, even if that does not mean that we must stay with our hands folded waiting for aggression.<br /> We can and we must attack too, in our own time and in our own way, in the perspective of the violent destruction of the State.<br />By definition revolutionaries are against any reformist logic, against any negotiation with the bosses, against any compromise with the institutions. They do not disdain the arm of critique but also want to go beyond that, struggling against all those who work in order to guarantee oppression and exploitation, under whatever form and whatever flag. <br />Antonio GizzoUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-72753498955349274762009-12-25T14:28:00.001-08:002009-12-25T14:28:25.551-08:00FROM THE EAST TOWARDS CAPITALISMPutting aside for the time being the problems raised by the popular insurrection in China limiting our selves to as objective as possible an analysis of the insurrectional processes in course of development in various countries in Eastern Europe and the borders of the Soviet empire, we must make one further distinction right away.<br />The USSR, i.e. the hegemonic power of a universe that polarises the countries of the Warsaw pact, has for some years now been moving towards a political and economic project of deep-seated reforms, a project rendered necessary by the truly poverty-stricken conditions that the population finds itself reduced to. This has forced a reduction of spending on armaments in order to give the people a little more to eat.<br />A reason for new found agreement in a universe that has been in a state of conflict until now, (i.e. with the USA and Nato countries) is the fact that the crises within the countries leading this universe, although not immediately comprehensible, and is only understood after careful observation of the loss of world economic command, has now been consigned into the hands of the Japanese. This is at the origin of the agreements on demilitarisation and breathing space conceded by the west to the projects of economic restructuring of the USSR.<br />Now, in a country that is politically strongly centralised, it is not possible for any real economic reform to take place before the political structures are dismantled. Hence the first steps towards democratisation not only in the USSR but also the various satellite countries, beginning with Poland and ending in Romania. The above distinction however concerns two kinds of problem: one which is specific to the State campaigns of the USSR, and another which is specific to the satellite countries, now openly on the way to finding their political, and therefore economic, identity without paying any attention to the Warsaw agreements any longer, and without fear of intervention by the Russian tanks.<br />Although we are trying to elaborate an analysis rendered more necessary than ever, it should be said that the two orders of problem are not the same. The USSR has its nationalistic problems on the European borders, which will get worse and worse in the politically and primarily economic federations, and considerable difficulties in the control and survival of the political and repressive apparatus in the USSR, possible explosions of conflicts of national liberation in the various political situations, however this problem could remain subordinated - although fermenting and dangerous - to the outcome of the USSR as a whole, a country that is approaching the productive and social situation of the West.<br />Moreover, the problem of the satellite countries is quite different to that of the USSR in the sense that the latter must face two situations, an internal one and one of relations with the West, this problem being being similar to that of the satellite countries.<br />For the time being it seems more important to me to give a modest contribution to this problem of rela-tions with the West, which is presenting itself in a virulent and chaotic way, under the aspect of a fascinating by an opportune propaganda of a kind of race to freedom and democracy.<br />Not one of these countries, from Poland which was the first to begin its trade union movements, to the gentle Czechoslovakia, to the incredible East Germany, to Bulgaria and the truculent situation of Romania, not one of those countries is moving towards FREEDOM. Just as the USSR is not moving towards freedom. Towards profound structural, economic and political tran-sformation, yes, but that is a diffe-rent question.<br />Firstly, the abandoning of the political structures of the past is happening everywhere in a far-sighted and prudent way. The liquidation of an ideological cover such as the communist party, should not impress us. The level of political transformation in all these countries, including the USSR, where the communist party remains standing, is more or less identical. In some countries the old leaders have been discarded, in others they have been accused of embezzlement and imprisoned, in others they have been shot, but these are not the real differences. In substance the apparatus is resisting and transforming itself, keeping a hold on to the levers of power which in its transformation is aiming at adapting the political structure to the economic needs that are showing themselves to be ever more indispensable and com-pelling. And this goes for all these countries, from the USSR to Romania.<br />The FACILITY with which the marxist ideology with all its theore-tical baggage that it seemed was to have finally put an end to the insurrectional revolutionary attempts of a libertarian matrix has crumbled, this FACILITY is the proof, looking backwards, of how inconsistent and simply decorative that doctrine was, and of how much responsibility its supporters bear for having used it to cover up massacres, genocide, exploitation and oppression.<br />But this is not the most important problem. Basically, one was more or less certain that dialectical materia-lism would come to an end, as every now and again someone would lift up the edges of the cover and show what was hiding under REAL SOCIA-LISM. For our part, always convinced that the common idealist matrix of all historians belong to cannot but lead to oppression and the restoration of dictatorships, we were simply sitting on the banks of the Ganges therefore have had no THEORETICAL SURPRISES in seeing the corpses of the enemy float by.<br />Now the problem consists of assessing where these countries are heading for, what choices they are going to make. This is a serious problem, not so much for trying to understand preventively how CAPITALISM is at the present time playing the role of seducer for those countries.<br />And it is clear that they are not moving towards a western-style capitalism of the kind that existed at the beginning of the eighties, i.e. towards an industrial structure weighed down by large fixed plants, with the prospect of unpleasant social conflict with scarce productive flexibility in the work force. Nor are they moving towards an America in full vigour of industrial production, dominating the load-bearing sectors and armed gendarme of the interests of capital in a good part of the world. Finally, they are not moving towards a Eu-rope in debt to the Americans, with old economies and ideas that are even older.<br />These countries are moving towards a NEW CAPITALISM. Reality is DIFFERENT at the beginning of the nineties. The USA are in economic difficulty precisely in the weight-bearing structures, with electronics in the lead, where they have been replaced by Japan. If they want to catch up they will have to abandon two things: the role of gendarme that they obliged to reduce, and the economic guardianship of Europe, which moreover is now less and less necessary. The European economies are incomparably stronger than they were ten years ago, while social conflict is under control nearly everywhere. Flexibility of production that economic technology has allowed is making possible structures of production that are no longer subject to the risks of backward plants and excessive employment costs. Mobility, after about ten years of adaptation, has now entered a mature phase, allowing for a fluidity of labour costs that is almost optimal. This is the CAPITALISM towards which Eastern Europe is moving.<br />One should ask oneself, but is this REALLY capitalism? We believe that the great POST-INDUSTRIAL transformations have always greatly modified the situation. Once, as we have always maintained, the difference between COMPETITIVE STATE CAPITALISM (smuggled under the name of REAL SOCIALISM) were quite negligible and only some idiot ignorant of economic problems could maintain that capitalism did not exist in the East because it lacked the MARKET. Anyone with a minimum of economic experience knows perfectly well that the market is like the fata Morgana, it is only visible under certain conditions. Or, remembering the words of Pirandello, there is ONE, NONE, AND A HUNDRED THOUSAND MARKETS. Precedingly, neither of the two types of capitalism worked at the level of the medium term, one had to adapt oneself to the short term, having recourse to ferocities and bloody adjustments. On the one side, in the West, an apparent wealth paid for in blood, hunger and death in the more backward countries, and with police bullets, but also with the camouflage of ideological consensus of the proletarian revolution. No real difference.<br />Had these conditions of the eco-nomic structure in East and West, and the social and political conditions of the eighties not changed, there would have been no move towards each other. Democracy and freedom wrapped up together in this rubbish are chatter like marxism and the proletarian revolution. Reality is quite different.<br />The East is not moving towards capitalism, but is moving towards POST-INDUSTRIAL TECHNOLOGY which, at the end of the eighties and more still throughout the Nineties, will try to develop the conditions for a different kind of global domination.<br />These movements, considered by all as so surprising and fascinating, these popular uprisings, these insurrections that are eliminating ideological encrustations and years old dic-tatorships, are basically all moving in the natural order of the great capita-list transformations that are taking place all over the world, towards a new POST-INDUSTRIAL society.<br />In such a perspective, our only hope, our strategy and our action, is that of analysis, in that it is precisely in these events of great international importance, that they come forth strengthened.<br /><br /><br />AM BonannoUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-85322104148625363782009-12-25T14:25:00.002-08:002009-12-25T15:18:22.473-08:00ISSUE TWENTYSEVENFor understandable reasons the present issue of ProvocAzione is coming out with only a few pages in the new format that it will also take in future issues. We have printed more copies in order to have the widest possible diffusion. On the basis of our strength. We ask all comrades interested to telephone or write.... In these grave moments we need the maximum possible support. All comrades interested in constituting a fund for defence costs etc are asked to.<br /><br /><br /><br />PRESS COMMUNIQUE<br /><br /> From the newspapers we learn of the arrest of a number of members of a non-existent group “Anarchismo e ProvocAzione”. We do not want, nor can we, say anything of the actions the investigators consider them responsible for, nor the connections and relations they refer to, to say the least, very confused. We merely want to underline, as comrades making up the editorial of “Anarchismo” and the editorial of “ProvocAzione” that we are estarnge to any clandestine organisation whatsoever, let alone one called “Anarchismo e ProvocAzione”.<br /> Apart from our work as anarchists and revolutionaries that we reconfirm with heads held high, even at this moment when one of the most clamorous frame-ups of recent years is appearing on the horizon (and it is not the first time), we want to point out the inexistence of possible “continuisms” between organisations operating in the past under the name of “AR” and our editorials. The fact - as has been underlined - that our editions published a book containing the communiques of this organisation, cannot be considered belonging to it or participating in it, in that we have published other books expressing opinions that are diametrically opposed (something the papers do not take the trouble to report).<br /> We think that individual choices, revolutionary or other, be claimed for what they are: personal decisions which cannot draw in structures of the anarchist movement simply because it suits an inquiror more ambitious than others.<br /> It is necessary to do everything possible to denounce this frame up at all levels as foolish and hateful as ever. There has never existed, nor could there have existed, “anarchist terrorism”, nor anarchists stupid enough to lightly give life to deeds such as those pointed out by the inquirors signing themselves in the name of a paper regularly distributed all over Italy.<br /><br />“Anarchismo”<br />“ProvocAzione”<br /><br />NUMBER TWENTYEIGHT<br />June ‘91<br /><br />Sabotage against Enel Pylons<br />The Far-off Needs For a Frame-up<br />Naples in Underpants<br />Attention Towards the Arditi<br />Class Clash in Greece<br />The Death of Andreotti<br />Still on “Proletarian Justice”<br />The Hangman and the Segugio<br />The Drawingroom Revolutionary<br />Kossiga and Us<br />Editorial objectives, but not only<br />Stones against the Pigs<br />“Different” or “Other”<br />Controcultura Communique<br />Rebellion<br />In Bologna - Fire against Rizzoli Research Centre<br />Comrade Arrested in Rome<br />The Italy Alliance<br />Enough: Leaflet<br />Guerilla in Corsica<br />Infamous Campaign Against Anarchists<br />Beware of the Dog<br />Against War, Against Peace<br />Aerospace Centre Visited<br /><br />NUMBERTWENTYNINE<br />Dec ‘91<br /><br />The Return of the ALF<br />Yet a Little Would be enough<br />Repression in Versailles<br />Press Communique<br />Worms to the Worms<br />Barocchio<br />Appeal Tesseri Fantazzini<br />Revolt of the Spanish Miners<br />In Pinerolo<br />Against a Dirty Frameup<br />“Fire in Experimenation Centre”<br />Animals Freed in Padova<br />Bomb in Corsica<br />Raids in Bologna<br />Amnesty - False<br />Cars Burnt<br />Creches Devastated<br />“The Fact Doesn’tSubsist”<br />Corsicans and Sardinians Together<br />Totò Trik and Trak<br />Anarchist Defence Committee<br />To the Magistrate of Massa<br />Sabotage with Surprise<br />Titta Foti: A Dirty Story<br />Two Explosions in the Night<br />Census ‘90 Has Begun (Paso)<br />Town Hall DevastatedUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-23293796509801379642009-12-25T14:25:00.001-08:002009-12-25T15:15:57.047-08:00ISSUE TWENTYTWOTo the eternally undecided<br /> The empty ideological delirium of those who, in spite of what is happening inside and outside the movement, are continuing unperturbed to consider themselves neutral judges of such situations, denounces a flight of one’s responsibilities. No one finds themselves above the parts. Everyone, even without wanting it, finds themselves in the condition to operate their own choices on reality, choices which, no matter how insignificant or microscopic they might be, in one sense or another, they influence the course of events more than one might imagine.<br /> If one parts in cause always and communiqué, why deny it?<br /> One can pure say one is outside the situation, just as one can affirm one can leave the social scene. but in the last analysis one always finds oneself operating a choice of the field. Either integrate oneself into the stomach of the whale, and therefore drown one’s desires, one’s passions, one’s anguish, one’s subversive existential motives in the sea of a cotton woolly and mortifying social peace reached thanks to an apparent rediscovered domestic tranquility: or radically refuse this new paradise of boredom, alienation and torment, choosing open and violent conflict against this present state of affairs: then it is social war led at all levels from the internal existential one, from that singular existential to the external relational.<br /> In this informaticised society where everyone ends up in competition recycling themselves, in changing one’s skin, in looking for compromise to better integrate oneself, feel oneself oppressed, exploited, alienated, is now a awareness left to who hasn’t resigned themselves. Just as the dignity of strong men seems to have become an illness to protect oneself from. The important thing is to be accepted so as to be like all the others, that is the new christianity. Clarity, solidarity, come to be dealt cheaply by our humanist blackmailers and recuperators, by the gravediggers of passions, in the shadow of the old political rationality of the State administrator and manager of society and that social-economic of capital which from mercified bodies make an indiscutible front of income and profit.<br /> The desert in human relations is growing and extending on the proletarianisation of individuals.<br /> The end of the social spectacle is passing for the end of misery rigged up in the proximity of our freedom - liberation full of mortifying goodness.<br />NUMBER TWENTYTWO<br />Nov. ‘89<br /><br />To the Eternally Undecided (editorial)<br />Solidarity in Antagonism<br />Trial of AMB and Pippo Stasi<br />Drugs as Progect of Control<br />El Paso Leaflet<br />Social Centres Meeting<br />Support Resistance<br />Leoncavallo<br />A New Squat in Rome<br />Against Dispensers of<br />The Eggheads rig up Telematic control<br />Immigration and Racism<br />CULTURE AND LIFE AMB<br />Watch Out for Cogefar<br />The Computer Cop<br />China: Deng’s Guarantee<br />Deng’s slaves<br />Italy and china<br />Moralism as Blackmail<br />Aids: Betond Illness<br />What Better Solidarity?<br />Is Sabotage Dangerous?<br />I Am For Destruction<br />Who’s Afraid, But of Whom?<br />USA. Drugged by Repression PLP<br />USA You Die From Penitentiary Shock<br />Antimilitarism, Not Reform<br />The Affairs of an antimilitarist<br />Yankee Go home<br />Yankee Go Home<br />Solidarity With Bonanno and Satsi<br />Communiques B and S<br />Stalinism and Poetry<br />White on black<br />The Revolt of solidarnosc<br />Vigilantes in USSR<br />A Letter That Would Have Been Better Not Written<br />The Only Justice is Proletarian<br />Comrades Never Forget. Franco Serantini<br />The Militants of Delegitimation<br />Speculation or Revolution?<br />Electric Main Line in Flames<br />Apology to Commit a Crime<br />A Few Notes on Recuperation<br />What Social Relations?<br />The Roots of Racism<br />Sabotage against apartheid<br />We Are all Racists<br />Leaflet<br />London ALF in Revolt<br />Ai and the Taste of Freedom<br />In conclusion: We are Awaiting the Tempest<br />The Bureaucrats’ Latest Find<br />Attack on Edilmarmi<br />Questions of Thought<br />Pylon Sabotaged<br />Pacifism and Mass Conformism<br />Beyond the Wall<br />Atrocious Doubts about Normality<br />Copenhagen: Assault on South African Consulate<br />Normality and Dissolution of Individuals<br />A Mano Armato<br />The Value of the Homeland<br />A Struggle against enel<br />Enough of ACNA: Let’s Pull it Down<br />Raids Looking for Saboteurs<br />Students in Movement<br />From the East Towards capitalism?<br />Death to Necromania<br />Sabotage<br />From Virus to Virus<br />Poison<br />Occhetto’s Example<br />Warsaw: anarchists Against Capitalism<br />600 Minks Freed<br />Struggle to Free<br />Prealpi Mine attacked<br />“de facto”\ death Sentence in Italy<br />To Strike Antagonism<br />Leaflet - Raids<br />Inquisition at Work - Digos<br />Police Provocations continue<br />The Joy of Life<br />El Paso<br />Come Down, Pylon<br />Enemies of the State, Not victims<br />Control is Sharpened by Sabotage<br />Experiment Freedom<br />Michele Pontolillo - Declaration<br />Letter From Opera Prison<br />Attack Against the NATO in Comiso<br />In the Labyrynth of the Students’ Movement<br />Irpinia<br />The FNLC Strikes Back<br />Bomb against a School<br />Police Torture in Austria<br />LET’S PUT AN END TO THE CHATTER AMB<br />Notes for the Exclusive Use of Those Given to Pleasure<br />From Between Clenched Teeth<br /> “Dudilaa”<br />No Recuperation, No Communities<br />Reinsertion? No Thanks!<br />Question of Choice<br />A Delegitimising Robbery<br />Attack against “Casa d’Italia” in Athens<br />Earth First<br /><br /><br />NUMBER TWENTYTHREE<br /><br />Against rumours, For Documented Clarity<br />Correspondence Between Pippo and Giacomo<br />Sabotage Against Italia ‘90<br />World Cup Controls<br />A Spit in the Face<br />Two Model Prisoners Escape<br />El Paso<br />Attack on Laboratory<br />God is a Dead Body That continues to Stink<br />Demolition Derby<br />El Paso<br />Fenix<br />Horst Fantazzini Takes His Freedom Back<br />Assassins in Uniform at Work<br />Attacks against shell<br />“Vicenzaoro”\Exhibition Contested<br /><br />Editorial<br /><br />Number 24<br /><br />Going forward<br /> We are decidedly for the attack against the class enemy and against the structures of power. We said it two years ago or so in the first issue of this paper, we are saying it again today with the same projectuality but more firmly and with more grit, in the awareness that the project of restructuring of capital is now in an advanced phase.<br /> Beyond the critique of the organisations of synthesis, it is the sectorialisation of social reality deriving from the postindustrial development of capital......<br /><br /><br /><br />NUMBER TWENTYFOUR<br />June ‘90<br /><br />Going forward<br />Germinal: Last Act<br />NON NEWS ABOUT RACISM AMB* (Dissonances)<br />Anarchist Anti-electoralism and Co-management<br />Bombs in Carrara<br />Don’t Vote<br />Trial in Catania against AMB<br />Jump Pylon, Jump<br />Preventive Sabotage<br />Notes on the Trieste Conference PLP<br />To anarchist Comrades in the East<br />Bombs Against Lenin Mausoleum<br />1° May in Berlin<br />Mass Escape<br />Bombs against Superprison<br />Dear Prisons<br />Galera<br />Them again<br />The Fascination of the Bygone<br />Adventure in the County of the Homologated, or the Possibilist Anarchism of the year 2000<br />Why One Shouts Wolf <br />Pertini and the King of Prussia<br />Banks aimed at<br />Order Reigns in the Universities. But For How Long?<br />The Students Between Being and Non Being<br />Solidarity with the Students of Bari<br />GOOD TECHNOLOGY AMB*<br />Alternativism or Burn the Existant<br />Appeal Trial Pippo and Alfredo<br />A Few Criticisms of the Student Movement<br />Leave Them to Simmer<br />An Act of Social War Does Not Need to be Justified<br />Who Rehabilitates Who?<br />Pudic Bankruptcy<br />Attacks in Greece<br />Attack on a Doctor in Saragozza<br />The Rage of the Evicted<br />Calabresi Murderer<br />New University Objectives<br />Attacks against Shell<br />Bombs in Poland<br /><br /><br />GOOD TECHNOLOGY<br />Basic common sense tells us that if we want to do something we must acquire suitable means for doing so. So I happen to read that comrades who, like myself, feel not just the need but also the urgency to attack and destroy the telematic network are thinking of mastering a knowledge of computers as a first step in attacking all the rest.<br /> I share this cognitive premise in the sense that knowledge is always, or nearly always, something positive. So long as we are aware of what we are learning and how the knowledge can be used, avoiding falling into the traps laid for a long time now that make us learn not what we but what our enemies want us to. This is not a simple problem, but it can be approached fairly simply by starting from what is defined as the limits of “good” technology. Nearly all ecology theses are based on what is believed to be the solution of this problem, including a presumed identification of these limits. In that perspective it seems to me that it would be possible to use the less damaging technology, and in any case who wants to go back to the stone age. Not all technologies are equal and we agree that there is a considerable difference between that aimed at developing nuclear power and that aimed at realising the telematic network.<br /> The nuclear production sector is at risk. It represents a danger that involves everyone so, up to a point, it can sensitise social strata who are in contrast with each other. The fear of total war has led us to a world order that depends on small wars and a progressive reduction of the atomic arsenal. Here we are faced with a problem which, even when considered in antithetical terms, is understood by those on both sides of the class barricade.<br /> The information technology sector is certainly also a risk, in that it is causing an upheaval in world order as we know it. But it is a risk that the included gradually eliminating by cutting the excluded off from them, proposing a different interpretation of the interests to be defended due to the spreading of this technology. In other words, the consequences, which we will come to further on, will not be the same for everyone as in the case of atomic death, but will be perceived and controlled by the included , while for the excluded they will be unknown, therefore uncontrollable, therefore lethal. Information technology separates what nuclear power basically brought together into a social hybrid, and is erecting a wall that will allow a far more rigid division than the one we know so far.<br /> But whatever could these consequences be? What harm is there in information technology and computers, many ask. Why this neo-luddism? Isn’t that out of date? In their fury do these opposers not risk attacking good technology that we could also use after the revolution, and which moreover we need to use today to fight the class enemy. These are questions we need to find answers to.<br /> Information technology has opend up a new world, one that in order to be technologically managed and utilised requires a considerable reduction in human resources in terms of intelligence, analytical capacity, self-awareness, individual autonomy, thinking and projectuality. There is no such thing as good technology. We need to see what use it is being put to. But the technology in question is not bad for the same reason that nuclear technology is (bad for everyone), but because information technology is only bad for the excluded. In fact, the whole of technology, even that derived from nuclear sources, is always a reductive prothesis.<br /> In order to spread to the level of world conquest, information technology must diseducate man to use it. Not being able to reach individuals at their own level, not even that of basic common sense, it needs to bring the latter down to the level of the machine. The new person that information technology wants to fabricate, corresponding to the requirements of a substitutive technology, is one doted with low intelligence, a poor capacity to communicate, reduced imaginative and creative possibilities, but who is highly capable in the field of mobility, reflexes and decision-making, all within a precise, pre-ordained framework.<br /> In order to do this, information technology is profoundly changing man’s creative capacities. Now, if we think just a little of how fundamentally important these capacities are to us, we realise the dramatic situation that would come about were this project to succeed in being applied totally and pass unobserved. What they are changing without our noticing is the relationship between our bodies and technology.The relationship with any technology is that of a prothesis, i.e. of an increase in the body’s capabilities. A short-sighted person sees better with spectacles, and with the right lenses can even reach the point of seeing as though they had good eyesight. The digital image supplied to us by information technology however has nothing to do with such a reality. If we see a house in front of us we reconstruct it through mental processes of perception and memorisation, a complex system of “analytical reconstruction” which allows us to state that there is a house in front of us. But if we see a house on the computer screen, what we are really seeing are thousands of luminous impulses which suggest a picture that in no way resembles a house. In order to see a house we must be educated to see it, we must reduce ourselves to the level of the machine.<br /> Of course at first we instinctively rebel against this strange image of the house, but everything depends on the passing of time without reacting. Gradually a new behavioural map emerges within our awareness. We react differently to the image and with greater difficulty do we manage to rebel against the idea that it is really a drawing of a house. At this point the computer is already penetrating us. Technology is no longer something outside us, a mechanical hand of immense strength has now become an inverted prothesis that is penetrating our brains and conditioning us.<br /> At this point we have become capable of receiving a whole, even a long sequence of images, for example a whole TV programme, and exchange it for a reproduction of reality. Our TV conditioning no longer allows us to rebel. Moreover, with a slightly better definition, the integrated circuit will close on us definitively.<br /> But information does not only concern itself with the problem of our reception (perception), but also our transmission (language). Here again it is necessary to adapt in a reductive way. A continual selection of our linguistic heritage is taking place through information technology, and a vast number of words are falling into complete disuse and are being forgotten and substituted by other more essential ones. Here one could make a few interesting reflections. For example, the expression “sales philosophy” or “economic return” or “there’s no problem” and so on are traceable to this impoverishment of language. In a preceding article in this paper entitled “From virus to Virus” (in itself rather enigmatic) we read at a certain point that “Jerusalem virus of Friday 13th, is programmed to destroy all the files it finds…”. Whyever was the term file used to indicate spomething which in Italian could quite adequately be called “data archive”? For precisely the reasons we are discussing here.<br /> At the present time a problem central to the history of the struggle against the class enemy is emerging: whether to decide to go for an immediate, defused attack to a maximum degree on the structures of information technology or not. This decision must be made before advances in the samw technology deprive us of the capacity to even decide to struggle against it. Before long we will be unable to understand the generalised effects of computer technology, and our ignorance on the subject could grow parallel to our knowledge of the means of computer technology itself precisely because it is not possible to have any knowledge of this technology that is not in some way vicarious; that does not depend on the acceptation of generalised intellectual submission.<br /> There are a number of not very clear aspects that i would like to point out on this problem of computer knowledge that some say is necessary in order to fight them and contribute to their destruction.<br /> I ask myself what it means to say there is a need to “supply oneself with computer knowledge”. At this point something from my own indirect experience comes to mind. At the beginning of the ‘sixties two mathematician friends of mine, attracted by a proposal by the Olivetti and coordinated by the mathematics institute of Pisa university, accepted a transfer to this faculty to participate in the construction of the first wholly Italian calculator. About two years later i met one of them who told me of his vicissitudes in Pisa. At one point the whole project ran aground due to difficulties concerning the resolution of a few more complex logarithmics. The director of the project had had the brilliant idea of getting around to a solution of the logarithmic which required a great deal of time and frankly a large dose of mathematical creativity, by putting an announcement in the weekly puzzle magazine “Settimana enigmistica” and asking for the collaboration of enthusiasts in the sector who, in exchange for a modest recompense came forward and solved the problems indirectly, i.e. through tables or matrixes developing all the possibilities of binary logic, an incredibly long but also incredibly stupid piece of work. When the olivetti calculator of the so-called first generation was ready, it solved the aforementioned logarithmics easily, so they were able to go ahead. The sad reality of electronics is that apart from the strictly technical aspects of components there is hardly any trace of real cognitive problems. Many comrades, perhaps attracted by clamorous electronic thefts or sabotage through programmed “viruses”, imagine realising themselves in such great enterprises, therefore deduct that it is necessary to learn how they make programmes and so on. Then there is the passage to more or less sensate fantasies concerning the validity of attending “courses” or “studying” manuals.<br /> In my opinion the problem is no different to that which leads one to conclude that, although it is possible to make explosives in one’s own kitchen, it is best to avoid it: it is quicker and less dangerous to buy them and learn, quite simply, to use them. <br /><br />NUMBER TWENTYFIVE <br /><br />Not to Stand and Stare<br />On Sabotage and Terrorism<br />Technology of Death and Revolutionary terrorism<br />Pinochet Boia Killed<br />Counterfeit Sabotage against BNL<br />Guerilla for the Beginning of the World Cup<br />World Chaos and Direct Action<br />Students in Rome Against the World Cup<br />Resistance Inside Israel<br />Justice is Done<br />But What is the Real Problem?<br />Letter to Milan Tribunal<br />Luddism Against the Car<br />USA: Sabotage Develops<br />Nails against Motorcycle Race<br />The Factory of Quality<br />Unconscious Residuals of Workersim<br />The Poverty of Music PLP<br />La Lega Dei Furiosi communique<br />THE LOSS OF LAGUAGE AMB*<br />Libertarian Municipalism Zerzan<br />Clashes in Seul<br />Sabotage against Shell<br />Revolt in Venezuela<br />TUS Blacked Out in Tuscany<br />Attacks against RAI Receivers in Tuscany<br />The Reasons for Integralism<br />Behind the Ghost of Carpentras<br />ALF - New Perspectives<br />Incendiary Bombs in Holland<br />The “Priest Slapper” Strikes again<br />Unemployed in Germany<br />Prison Revolt in USSR<br />Attack Against Biennale in Venice<br />Attacks on Montedison<br />SIP Aimed at<br />Clashes in Bologna<br />Volley of stones in Milan<br />Bomb against Nato Summit<br />Attack on Montefluos<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />LOSS OF LANGUAGE<br /><br />The building of the wall that will finally separate the included from the excluded is already in course. It is based on various elements. One of the most important is a diversity of language which is being realised through a reduction in the excluded’s possibility to express themselves.<br /><br />One of the projects that capital is putting into effect is the reduction of language. By language we mean all forms of expression, particularly those that allow us to articulate complex concepts about feelings and things.<br /> Power needs this reduction because it is replacing straightforward repression with control, where consensus plays a fundamental part. And uniform consensus is impossible where multiform creativity exists.<br /> The old revolutionary problem of propaganda has also changed considerably in recent years, showing up the limitations of a realism that claimed to clealry show the distortions of the world to the exploited, thus putting them in the condition to become conscious of their situation.<br /> Still in the historical sphere of anarchism, we have the quite exceptional example of Malatesta’s literary capacity based on a language that was essentialised to the maximum degree and which constituted a model that was unique for its time. Malatesta did not use rhetoric or shock effects but elementary deductive logic, starting off from simple points based on common sense and reaching complex conclusions that were easily understood by the reader.<br /> Galleani worked at quite a different level. He used great rhetorical constructions, attaching a great deal of importance to the musicality of the phrase as well as to the use of out-dated words chosen to create an atmosphere that in his opinion would move spirits to action.<br /> Neither of the above examples can be proposed as examples of a revolutionary language fit for the present time. Not Malatesta, because there is less to “demonstrate” today, nor Galleani, because there are fewer and fewer spirits to be “moved”.<br /> Perhaps there are more models of revolutionary literature to be found in France, due to that country’s great tradition unequalled in Italy, Spain or Britain, and for her particular spirit of language and culture. Around the same period as the Italian examples mentioned above, we have Faure, Grave and Armand for clarity and exposition, while for research and in some aspects rhetoric, there is Libertad and Zo d’Axa.<br /> We should not forget that France already had the example of Proudhon, whose style surprised even the Academy, and later Faure who was considered to be a continuation of this great school along with the methodical, asphyxiating Grave. Self-taught, he was an enthusiastic pupil of Kropotkin. The latter’s French was good and basic precisely because, like Bakunin’s, it was the French of a Russian.<br /> One could go on forever, from the linguistic, literary and journalistic experiments of Libertad, Zo d’Axa and others, as well as their predecessor Coeurderoy. But although they represent some of the best examples of revolutionary journalism, none of these models is valid today.<br /> The fact is that reality has changed, while revolutionaries continue to produce language in the same way, or rather worse. In order to calculate this it is sufficient to compare a leaflet such as the En Dehors by Zo d’Axa with its huge Daumier drawing on one side and his writing on the other, to some of the lapidary leaflets we produce today - looking at our own situation - such as the one we did for the meeting with the comrades from Eastern Europe at Trieste.<br /> But the problem has gone far beyond that. Not only are our privileged interlocutors losing their language, we are losing ours too. And because we must necessarily meet on common ground if we want to communicate, this loss is turning out to be irrecoverable.<br /> This process of generalised flattening is striking all languages, lowering the heterogeneity of expression to the uniformity of the means. The mechanism is more or less the following, and could be compared to television. The increase in quantity (of new items) reduces the time available for the transmission of each one of them. This is leading to a progressive, spontaneous selection of both image and word, so on the one hand these elements are being essentialised, while on the other the quantity of transmittable data is increasing.<br /> The much desired clarity bemoaned by so many generations of revolutionaries desirous to explain reality to the people, has finally been reached in the only way possible: not by making reality clear (something that is impossible in any case), but making clarity real, i.e. showing the reality that has been built by technology.<br /> This is happening to all linguistic expression including desperate attempts to save human activity through art, which also lets past fewer and fewer possibilities. Moreover, this is finding itself having to struggle on two fronts: first, against being swallowed up by the flattening that is turning creativity into uniformity, and second, against the opposite problem, but one which has the same roots, that of the market and its prices.<br /> My old theses on poor art and art as destruction are still close to my heart.<br /> Let us make an example: all language, in that it is an instrument, can be used many ways. It can be used to transmit a code aimed at maintaining or perfecting consensus, or it can be used to stimulate transgression. Music is no exception here, although because of its particular characteristics the road of transgression is even more difficult. Although it seems more direct, it is actually further from reaching it. Rock is music of recuperation and contributed to extinguishing much of the revolutionary energy of the Seventies. According to Nietzsche’s intuition, the same thing happened with the innovation of Wagnerian music at its time. Think of the great thematic and cultural differences that exist between these two kinds of musical production. Wagner had to build a vast cultural edifice and completely discompose the linguistic instrument in order to captivate the revolutionary youth of his time. Today rock has done the same thing on a much wider scale with a cultural effort that is ridiculous in comparison. The massification of music has favoured the work of recuperation.<br /> So one could say that revolutionary action operates in two ways, first according to the instrument, which is undergoing a process of simplification and stripping down, then in the sense of its use, which has become standardised, producing effects that cannot always be reduced to an average that is acceptable to all or nearly all. That happens in so-called literature (poetry, narrative, theatre, etc.) as well as in that restricted microcosm, the revolutionary activity of examining social problems. Whether this takes the form of articles in anarchist papers, or leaflets, pamphlets, books, etc., the risks are fairly similar. The revolutionary is also a product of his time and uses the instruments and occasions it produces.<br /> The possibility of reading about the actual conditions of society and production has diminished, because there is far less to be brought to the surface, and because interpretative instruments have undergone a recession. In a society which was polarised into two distinctly opposing classes, the task of counter-information was to bring the reality of exploitation that the power structure has every interest in hiding, out into the open. This included mechanisms for extracting surplus value, repressive plots, authoritarian distortions of the State and so on. Now capital is becoming increasingly comprehensible in a society that is moving further and further towards a democratic form of management and production based on information technology. This is precisely because it is becoming more important for it to be seen, and less important to discover the methods of exploitation, not necessary to move the massive upheaval of opinion.<br /> Today society needs to be interpreted with cultural instruments that are not only capable of interpreting facts that are not known or have been treated superficially, but also an unconscious conflictuality far from the old extremely visible class conflict. One ends up being drawn into simplistic refusal that is incapable of examining the mechanisms of recuperation, consensus and globalisation. More than documentation we now need active participation, including writing, in what must be a comprehensive project. We cannot limit ourselves to denouncing exploitation we must bring our analyses to within a precise project, which will only become comprehensible during the course of the analysis itself. Documentation and denunciation are no longer enough. We need something more, so long as we still have tongues to speak with, so long as we have not had them cut off.<br /> This new interaction between ways of expressing oneself and one’s project constitutes the strength of this way of using linguistic instruments, but also leads to the discovery of the latter’s limitations. If language has been impoverished, absorbing and adapting to the reductionist tendencies that have been studied and applied by power, this is inevitable.<br /> I have always fought against a kind of detached objectivism in writing aimed at clarifying revolutionary problems. Precisely because it is an instrument, linguistic expression always has a social dimension that is summed up in its style. It is not just “the man” as Buffon says, but “man in a given society”. And it is the style that solves the problem, undoubtedly a difficult one, of supplying along with the indispensable content, the so-called facts of the event and their insertion within a project. If this project is alive and up to the conditions of the conflict, the style could be livened up, but if the style is not suitable or is lost in the illusion of objectivity, it will run the risk of losing itself in a ghostly forest of impressions.<br /> Our language must therefore have a form that is capable of supporting our revolutionary content, with a provocatory thrust capable of violating and upsetting the usual ways of communicating. It must be able to represent the reality we hold in our hearts without allowing ourselves to become wrapped up in a logical sudarium and only understood with great difficulty. The project and the language used to illustrate this must meet and recognise itself in the style used to express it. Without wanting to go to the extreme of this well-worn thesis, we well know now that the instrument constitutes a considerable part of the content.<br /> We must look out for these processes, not let a new practical ideology submerge us in throwaway phrases where there is no relationship between the project and the way of saying it.<br /> So, increasingly wide linguistic impoverishment is reflected in the instruments of communication that we as revolutionaries use. First of all because we are men and women of our time, participants in the reductive cultural processes that characterise it. We are losing instruments as everyone else, is while others are atrophying. And, more important, we are reducing ourselves. This is normal. We need to make more of an effort to obtain better results and acquire a better capacity to resist these reductive projects.<br /> This lowering in stylistic capacity is a consequence of the lowering of content. It is also capable of producing even greater impoverishment, unable to express the essential part of the project that necessarily remains tied to the means of expression. It is therefore not the “genre” that saves the content, but above all the way this content takes form. Some people make out a schema first according to their capabilities and never manage to free themselves from it. They filter all the content they come to possess through this schema, believing it is “their way of expressing themselves”, like having a limp or brown eyes. But it is not like that. Sooner or later one must free oneself from this prison, as from any other, if one wants to give life to what one is communicating.<br /> There are those who choose irony to transmit the urgency they feel, for example. Very well, but irony has its own peculiarity, i.e. it is pleasant, light, a dance, an allusive metaphor. It cannot become a system without becoming repetitive or pathetic like the satirical inserts in the daily papers, or comic strips where one must know beforehand how the story ends otherwise one wouldn’t be able to understand it, like barrack room jokes. In the same way, for inverse reasons, the call of reality - the effort to make reality visible and palpable through communication, starting from the supposition that there can be no immediate fruition from anything that does not seem real - ends up becoming tedious. In fact it is unrealisable, and one gets lost in the continual material need to insist, losing the conceptuality that is at the basis of true communication.<br /> One maxim in the museum of everyday stupidity is that one does not know how to say something, when in fact the problem is really that one does not know what to say. This is not necessarily so. The communication flux is not unidimensional, but multidimensional: not only do we communicate, we also receive communications. And we have in communicating with others is the same as we have in receiving from others. There is also a problem of style in reception. The same difficulties, the same illusions. For example, still limiting ourselves to written language, when we read newspaper articles we can reconstruct the way the writer receives communication from the outside. The style is always the same, we can identify it in the same kind of article, the same mistakes, the same short-circuits. And that is because these incidents and limits are not only elements of style but are the essential components of the writer’s project, of their very life.<br /> We can see that the poorer and more repetitive the incoming communications are, even when they come directly from the reality of events, the more modest our capacity to grasp the articulations. A revolutionary must necessarily cross both the incoming communications and events. Approximation and uncertainty is emerging in word and unfortunately in deed, a low level of ideas that does not do justice either to the complexities of the enemy’s capacity, or to our own revolutionary intentions.<br /> If things were otherwise, socialist realism, with its good working class always ready to mobilise, would have been the only possible solution. The latest aberration dictated by such ignorance and refusal to consider reality differently was the intervention of the good Rumanian miners to re-establish Illiescu’s new order.<br /> Power’s attempts to generalise the flattening of linguistic expression is one of the essential components for building the insurmountable wall between included andexcluded. If we have identified direct, immediate attack as one instrument in the struggle, we must also develop parallel to this an optimal use of the other instruments at our disposition and take, whatever the cost, those we do not possess. The two are inseparable.<br /><br />NUMBER TWENTYSIX<br />Feb ‘91<br /><br />Everybody Armed against War<br />Riots in Athens<br />Antinuclear Dynamite<br />What Antimilitarism?<br />ENEL Cancerogenous<br />Antinuclear Sabotage in France<br />Anarchist Bomb against Radio Vatican<br />Antifascist actions<br />The Modern Church and TV<br />Information sabotage<br />Molotov against War in Milan<br />Antimilitarist Sabotage <br />Claims<br />False Call to Arms PLP<br />Freedom<br />Antimilitarist Leaflet<br />After Tienanmen<br />Basque Separatism in Action<br />Police in Hospital<br />But What dirty War Are We Talking about?<br />Declaration of Alfredo Cospito<br />Trial against Total Objectors<br />The Impossibility of Not Communicating<br />Forte Boccea<br />Sabotage Against Enel in DesioUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-22835850068834163302009-12-25T14:24:00.001-08:002009-12-25T15:12:59.760-08:00ISSUE SEVENTEENThe world is shaken by insurrectionalism. More or less everywhere, in the places of maximum tension, people are moving and coming out into the streets. They are claiming their rights or, even more often, what they believe their rights to be, in deed. We don’t want to say that all these insurrectional movements are in the right direction, but they are in the right situation and the right method.<br /> It is not up to us to say if what we have been saying for years finds confirmation in this historical phase or, as some would certainly like to see, a denial. We pay as much attention to the critic-critics as we do to the whispers of the spies in the police vicoli. What we do find interesting on the contrary is that people, vast populations, are moving, choosing the method of attack and putting aside the reformist perspective of a power that always finds new ways to hide the mystification of reality.<br /> Not only the Algerians and the Palestinians, not only the European countries of the Russian empire, not only Yugoslavia, Cechoslovakia, Poland, but also Manfredonia, Ionia, Athens, Berlin, etc. Of course, for different reasons, different perspectives and, if you like, different equivocations but, above everything, unity of method.<br /> We have often mentioned the causes of a possible new insurrectionalism and how this does not see possible an historical continuity with the old insurrectionalism based on the exclusivity, or almost, of economic claiming blocked by less intransigence or by the vicissitudes of the mechanisms of capital. Today, the international structure of capital already renders institutional the blocks an impossibility. A crisis within a system that has transformed the periodic crises of the past into one of the elements of recuperation and rationalisation of the productive process. No crises therefore, but permanent crisis. A life in crisis. A life in the probability of a happening and not in the certainty of a path. there is only one certainty today: that nothing can happen that is persistent and durable, but that everything changes quickly, within the framework of absolutions and preconstituted condemnations. Awareness of that, well beyond the seeds and the earth in the strict sense is leading people in the direction of direct action. Also, we believe, beyond the occasion of flags and territories. Nationality, like bread and work, under some conditions, still constitute a propulsive element in the struggle, and it would be stupid to deny it. But this element is tightly tied to elements that were quite unrecognisable in the past, only to play a quite secondary role in the light of the unrestraining function that these new elements are developing.<br /> The breaking of institutional links, in the first place of taking the family into account, is one of these elements. In many situations this lightening of interjected order produces a sense of panic of not knowing where to base one’s perspectives, one’s hopes. The State, as other than oneself, is no longer capable of supplying elements of the valid surrogate. Most of the time it is in crisis itself, ideologically if nothing else. It needs support and does not know how to give support. The myth of nationality alone is not sufficient to be an element of order and putting a brake on things, moreover, most of the time it produces outbursts in the opposite direction. The world is precipitating more and more into a provisority that exalts the possibility of recuperation of capital and makes possible its restructuring in the short term but, at the same time, it is imposing very high social and psychological costs.<br /> In the light of recent events, much more of the libertarian alternative that it saw as field of struggle hardly a few decades ago, and a progressive reduction of the authoritarian content of the institutional structures of society has been realised today, than even the most unchained utopians might have been hoped. From religions to morals, from pedagogy to the science of self, from language to philosophy, even science, everywhere the culture of technological man has borrowed liberation as an element for recycling the new dominion. And they realised this without fatigue. In the past one worked for the king of Prussia, and now they are reaping the profits.<br /> But every repressive design has its limits and therefore renders possible the interests of the struggle. Even this omnivorous possibility of mature capitalism to use also cultural elements, the most estranged to its own production, presents aspects that are contradictory. In fact, the destruction of the classical values of accumulation, (money in the strict sense, cariche, recognition, stability, status, etc) makes possible a more agile utilisation of people in the productive process, also in view of a strong quantitative reduction, and without any notable problems of social perturbance. This also has a cost in terms of a progressive lack of stability of the system as a whole.<br /> It remains to be seen, as is logical, not having any past experience on which to base itself, on what this new lack of stability will end up. For the moment we can see that manifestations of mass violence are forming, some of which are gratuitous and eclatante, even if not exactly very significant (we are talking about the so-called violence in the football stadiums); but they are also supplying insurrectional manifestations that are far more important and full of revolutionary significance. We are talking, in this second case, of the great movements of people that are developing at the present time.<br /> Are they destined to disappear? We do not know. We could hazard a guess, make an hypothesis. But we will have quite other things to do.<br /><br />NUMBER SEVENTEEN<br /><br />The Trade Union Boulevard ORSO<br />Dogs and Pigs<br />‘Vivalitalia’<br />Game<br />Dear Bertoli<br />Band of Assassins IMF<br />“Karin B” - Poison Ship - Sabotage<br />Chile, the Knots<br />Algeria - The Faces of the Revolt<br />Jugoslavia - Burocrats and Revolt<br />Horror<br />Pinelli Was Killed. Calabresi Too<br />Priests<br />But What Political solution?<br />Pylon<br />Manfredonia - Direct Action<br />English Privatisation<br />Renounced<br />Sindona and Swindlers<br />Against the state in Greece<br />Giuseppe Coniglio Arrested<br />Raids<br />“Suicidio” Seized<br /><br />Editorial missing<br /><br />NUMBER EIGHTEEN<br /><br />No! To the Palestinian State* (Insurrection)<br />The Recuperating Role of the Polish Unions<br />The Nationalist Conflicts on the Borders of the Soviet Empire<br />Our Desistence and the Scenery<br />Terni in Crisis due to A Faina<br />Repression and Insurrectional Struggle in Palestine<br />IRA Attack in Ireland<br />The Struggle Continues in Chile Beyond Agreements<br />Memo From Ketziot Concentration Camp<br />It is Because We Feel You Enemies That We Don’t Believe you<br />That Terrible Era in Which the Blind are Led by Madmen<br />Two thousand Minks Freed in Veneto Region<br />Looking For Coherence<br />In Hamburg against the NATO. <br />Universities Occupied All Over Germany<br />Attacks on the EEC in Greece<br />Pylon Sawn Down in Ravenna<br />Interview With Paolo Venturino, Giuseppe coniglio’s Lawyer<br />Antimilitarism<br />Solidarity with the Antimilitarist Struggle of Agostino Manni and Giuseppe Coniglio<br />Declaration of total Objection of Salvatore Caltabiano of “Cattivi Pensieri” Syracusa<br />BETWEEN POLICE AND INFORMERS AMB<br />Anarchist the thought, Insurrectional the Method<br />There is no Antidote Against the Virus of Social Subversion and Freedom <br />Their Communiques - The Events - Our Communique<br />NON NEWS ABOUT DRUGS AMB*(Dissonances)<br />Letter to Mr Inquisitor of the Drugs Law (circular intelligence)<br />Junkie<br />The Triumphant Baraccone<br />The Adventures of the Ecolettan Myth<br />A Destructive Capitalist Model: Deforestation<br />Attack in Salvador Against the Military<br />Solidarity Committee for Juan Soto Paillacar<br />Why a Committee<br />A Committee?<br />Free Soto Paillaca! Free Everyone!<br />Sit in in Florence at Chilean Consulate<br />Yet... Yet... Yet...<br />Jugoslavia, autumn 1988<br />Still on Syndicalism, More Inoportune Reflections<br />In Rio De Janiero, Assault on Supermarkets<br />Madrid, ETA Attack Guardia Civil<br />Germany - Nuclear Accidents<br />Enea against Two comrades in Florence<br />Clashes Students/Police in Seul<br />Perù: Miners in Struggle against Police<br />Clashes in London against Police<br />Massacre of Workers in Brasil<br />Revolt in Bologna Prison<br />A New Sack of Rome<br />Clashes in Rome Between Police and Workers of ‘Indesit’<br /><br /><br /><br />number nineteen<br />FEBRUARY 1989<br /><br />On the Arrest of Alfredo Bonanno and Pippo Stasi<br />The Catastrophe Psychosis<br />Antimilitarist Action in Holland<br />Black Revolt Rages in Miami<br />Revolutionary Solidarity with Arrested Anarchistsù<br />Nautilus Leaflet<br />Communique<br />Horizons and Limits PLP<br />From France: “No Longer a Case for Extradition”<br />A Look at Ninetytwo<br />The Confindustria Tints itself Green<br />Subversion and Limits<br />PALESTINE AMB*(?Palestina mon amour)<br />Washington as Business Centre of Organised Crime<br />Montedision<br />Fuori Circuito<br />Di Giovanni<br />Courage in Pills<br />The Weight of Our Responsibility<br />The Slapper<br />Antimilitarism<br />A Letter From Giuseppe Coniglio<br />Poland<br />Nationalism<br />An Experiemntal Model of Extermination<br />A Partial List of New Toxic Medicines<br />Let’s Send Back Discharge to the Military Authorities<br />Animal Liberationists Attack an Experimental Centre<br />The Forgetful<br />Manipulated Information<br />The Face of soviet society<br />Vienna at the Celebrity Ball<br />Get the State out of Your Veins<br />Antimilitarist Initiative<br />Milan: The Hunt Against the Different<br />Arson attack on Milan Town Hall<br />On the Margins of a Robbery<br />Communique<br />Anti-USA Attack in South Corea<br /><br /><br />Editorial missing<br /><br />NUMBER TWENTY<br />May ‘89<br /><br />Revolt in Manfredonia<br />Contorsions of the CP<br />The Shadows of Nationalism<br />From Train to School<br />The Rage of the Postal Workers<br />Esselunga<br />National Liberation Struggle in corsica<br />The Weight of Chemicals<br />Chile: Poisones Eggs<br />In Amsterdam Against Shell<br />The Student Reacts<br />Shell Sabotaged in Milan<br />Psychoanalysis and Perplexity<br />Direct Action in Technicolour<br />Insurance against Cancer<br />BUT WE ARE MODERN AMB*(Propulsive Utopia)<br /> Informatic Pirates<br />Against silence<br />Informal thefts<br />Intifada Wrapped Up PLP<br />The Subterranean Wars<br />A Year of Halabaja<br />News: The Revolutionary Passion of an Independant Weekly<br />New IRA Objectives<br /> General Pushed into the Sea<br />Escape in USSR<br />A Little Bot and Respectability<br />Solidarity With the Indios of the Amazonia<br />Bees as Instruments of Sabotage<br />Facts of Ordinary Repression<br />Squatters in Berlin<br />Rosa Nera Communique<br />A Letter from J.S. Paillacar<br />The Reasons for Closing a Committee<br />A Few Considerations on Bonanno and Stasi Case<br />Blues<br />Only a Few Words<br />Megacentral in the Adriatic<br />Rome: Fascist Den Burned<br />Anartism<br />Monument to an Artist<br />A Leaflet Rome anarchist Group<br />Attack on Fascist Den<br />Anarchofest S.F.<br />The Survival Gathering Toronto 1/4 July ‘88<br />The ALF is Everywhere<br />Magna Carta - No to Violence to Defend Animals<br />Sabotage and Repentance<br />Trial, Giuseppe Coniglio<br />Arson Attacks in Germany<br />Proseselaw<br />Prison Revolt in Guatemala... and.. Brasil<br />Persecution continues<br />Communique<br />Solidarity<br />Spectacularised animal, Animal of the Spectacle<br />A False Bomb in Court<br /><br /><br />Editorial missing<br /><br />NUMBER TWENTYONE<br />June ‘89<br /><br />Ecological Luddism: Montedison Explodes<br />Naval War Exhibition<br />ALF Insists<br />South Africa, Shadow of the Gallows<br />“Precision”<br />Sabotage<br />Communique<br />Repression in Genoa<br />Beyond the Horror, Dusgust<br />Communique<br />But Are We Really Full of Gossip?<br />From Bergamo Prison<br />HOW TO PUT ONE’S LIFE ON THE LINE AND WHY AMB* (Propulsive Utopia)<br />PC and Militarism<br />Christians and War<br />Violence and Poverty<br />SCALZONE AND AMNESTY AMB<br />Bad Thoughts Aliens<br />Unconditional Freedom Aliens<br />A Factory in Flames<br />Far Far Away in a City “full of words and empty stones”.<br />The Destiny of the Myth<br />Pope Contested in Norway<br />School in Flames<br />A Case of Conscience<br />The Falls at Quadraro<br />Uelà comrades<br />New Caledonia, the Struggle Continues<br />The Hotel of the Slaves<br />Nomads at the Stake<br />Fire against Injustice<br />First of May Revolts in the East... and West<br />ALF in Lyons<br />The War Industry in United Europe<br />Adventures of Transponder<br />Pinochet’s Difficulties<br />Word<br />All Vanguards<br />Don’t Pay! El Paso<br />The End of the Game<br />Open Letter to Franco Serantini in Pisa<br />Monteshell in Brescia Sabotaged<br />Anarchists, beyond...<br />Communique<br />Clashes in S. Corea<br />Against Criminalisation<br />Revolt in USSR PrisonsUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-28958630637731597942009-12-25T14:23:00.001-08:002009-12-30T10:20:42.353-08:00ISSUE SIXTEENThere are various ways to see the situation one finds oneself living in as natural and thriving. One of these, undoubtedly the best, is by using the positive aspects of the situation itself, not worrying about what happens to others but only in the line of principle - also painful - of a spectacle that has now become habitual and tedious. However, in any case, both in the eventuality of the first as in the second, nothing is moved of one’s own initiative, nothing of that which belongs to us and which is clear to us put in question and submitted to criticism.<br />We have before our eyes the plateal behaviour of those who come under the first conception of life cited above, but also that no less plateal of those who raise a groan in the name of the second.<br />It is the latter, as it is easy to understand, who attract our attention, giving the first for the time being our absolute despisal, then later, we hope, something more concrete.<br />Profound changes are taking place in the world: generalised insurrections, changes in the structures and equilibrium of international power, massacres and genocide of every dimension. Over all this fine people pull a piteous veil of routine interest: the newspaper (even our papers), TV. The spectacle of massacres reaches our homes every day, our eyes are now trained and our hearing switched off.<br />The Palestinians are beginning their 10th month of popular insurrection in the occupied territories, they are systematically being massacred by the Israeli occupying army, they are dying in the ghettoes and concentration camps. We listen and watch.<br />The South African blacks are defying the most racist country in the world, they are organising in struggle structures, they are being killed daily not only by the bullets of the army and police, but also by hunger and isolation. We listen and watch.<br />The Birmanians are rebelling against a dictatorial socialist regime. The people are fighting in the streets against the army in the most total isolation in the most complete indifference. We listen and watch.<br />The Afghan Mujaheddin continue their struggle, even after the disparity of the Russian army. Now, although between internal disputes for the conquest of power, the time is right for the moment of truth with the puppet regime. Only the poor people, involved in a gigantic struggle that has been going on for almost a decade, continue to die. We listen and watch.<br />The Miskitos of Central America, after having won their battle against Managua which was obliged to a truce, are employed in taking up the struggle again against the Honduras. Also here massacres are the order of the day: hundreds of dead, 70 villages raized to the ground, thousands of refugees. We listen and watch.<br />In Burundi a majority are literally being massacred by a minority in power in the name of a crazy racial difference but, more precisely in defence of specific economic interests and those of power. We listen and watch.<br />Then in Ireland, Spain, Corsica, New Caledonia, Canada, Yugoslavia, Russia, etc., peoples in struggle are trying to survive against oppression, the division in classes to the profit of the strongest, systematic death organised in great style. We limit ourselves to listening and looking.<br />Yet, in our own small way, we can do something. Not in the optic that revealed itself to be a losing one so many years ago, that which could be summed up in the words “taking the third world into Europe”, so much as in the optic of attack on the European capitalist interests that are being woven with the interests of those who, in every part of the world, are putting the people in revolt under their heels.<br />We can therefore do little things. And many of us are of the opinion that these things need to be done, and soon. Many others are only waiting for a slight push, collaboration, advice, a suggestion, practical and technical support, a little analytical clarity. Then there are many others, also among ourselves, who do not think the same way. And it is to them that we are addressing ourselves.<br />They belong to the category of those for whom nothing goes well that is done in the name of practical initiative and immediate and precise direct action. They have strange theses for criticising whoever wants to act now, right away. The strangest are the first who base themselves on the sophism that small actions do not serve because they do not disturb anyone and only increase repression (but against whom?) while the most important actions are the patrimony of groups of specialists against whom it is always necessary to be in a critical position, otherwise what anarchists would we be.<br />In other words, they don’t know what they want. Neither small actions (to understand each other, these people do not agree with attacks on the pylons of the ENEL and have bitterly criticised attacks against the death industries that were struck some time ago in Milan), nor the large (only hypothetical at the moment, to capital’s good fortune, certainly not ours).<br />Just talk. That, yes, is all right for them. Analyses. The incredible and strongly anachronistic lists of war industry, nuclear, etc, lists made up it seems to document that capital produces arms, produces nuclear power, etc, as though we didn’t know. If then some of these lists want to reach the due consequences, then they line themselves immediately against, criticisng whoever decides that two and two make four.<br />Mysteries of the logic of a certain anarchism.<br />The fact is that certain comrades have transformed anarchism into a pacific gymnasium of interesting debates, in which each one measures themselves with the other in the exclusive light of the worthiness of their own lives. Practice must stay outside the door.<br />We don’t agree.<br /><br />NUMBER SIXTEEN<br /><br />Mortal Rhetoric of “Three Colour Arrows” in Germany<br />The Calabresi Affair<br />But Who Killed Pinelli?<br />Greenpeace afainst the Solvay<br />Nothing (BR -PCC)<br />The Polish Recuperation<br />Gangs in Los Angeles<br />Clashes in a French Printers<br />IRA Offensive<br />A Precision (Turin, Luxemburg)<br />Micromia<br />Antagonism as Solidarity<br />Phenomena of Mass Illegality<br />Military Discharge Sent Back<br />Bottles against social Worker<br />The Firm (re\Curcio)<br />Punx Attack Turin Duomo<br />Letter to the Pope (A. Artaud)<br />Just One More Effort (De Sade)<br />Against Farmoplant<br />Better to Keep Quiet<br />Revolts and Escapes in English Prisons<br />Hammer against the Courts<br />Too Much Hysteria against Israel<br />Against the Mystification about Israel<br />BUT LET’S NOT SHUT OUR EYES TO IT - AMB<br />A Palestinian Document<br />Attack in Milan against Two Cariplo Bank Agencies<br />Athens Attack on Police, Arms Taken<br />Spain - ETA attacks on French Interests<br />THE PALESTINIANS CONTINUE TO DIE - AMB (Palestine mon amour)<br />A Car in Milan<br />Twelve Years Ago the Revolt in Soweto<br />Against the Summer Manoeuvres of amato<br />In New York against the Yuppies<br />Edinburgh Festival<br />Coniglio Sentence Confirmed<br />Total Objection in South Africa<br />Catania - Mafia against Experia<br />ALF - GB<br />Bombs in romagna<br />Struggle against Poll Tax in Scotland<br />Rural vilence in GB<br />90 Minutes - Riots in Shepherd’s BushUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-12239344003652916952009-12-25T14:22:00.000-08:002009-12-25T15:08:51.861-08:00ISSUE FOURTEENIn the things of life you want a little logic and, why not, also intelligence. Also in the highly discutable and miserable practice of dissociation, those who are masters in this field have made us see that you need a certain logic, a certain graduality. Dissociative positions are not in themselves necessary up until the moment when facts that do not have any agreement among those who intend to dissociate themselves are verified.<br /> For example, the long line of dissociated in the past 15 years has taught us that there is always time for signing declarations. First one must see how things stand, evaluate the pros and the cons, before taking a distance from someone whose practices we do not approve of.<br /> Preconfectioned dissociation “bulletins” as these could be defined let us say, their linguistic structure predetermined, to be put into circulation by parties, politicians and economic personalities when certain facts occur. It is a question of generic condemnation where one frequently finds the term “vile attack” and other such things.<br /> The difference exists although it remains within a strata that disgusts in any case.<br /> Now, what one might ask, were the motivations that pushed the comrades of Rivista “A” and the FAI in Milan to dissociate themselves from events that took place in Milan some time ago, small attacks against militarist objectives like the ENEL nuclear research centre or similar firms who work in the nuclear sectors?<br /> Why did they immediately bring out a communique? What did they want to distinguish themselves from in such a hurry? They certainly weren’t afraid of the risk of seeing themselves with the carabinieri turning up at their homes to raid them, in that it is well known - at least it is without doubt so in Milan - that these political line-ups do not agree with certain practices. What did they want to take a distance from? Would not it have been better to wait for a few days to pass, if nothing else to be able to successively defend the comrades who could (and presumably will be, persecuted for things they are quite extraneous to), and at the same time as they support the comrades, see to making the legitimate distinction they are imposing in political terms because it is not right for everyone to share a practice which by its very nature cannot be other than, at the moment, accepted by only a few?<br /> Wouldn’t that have been better?<br /> Of course it would have been better and it would have made a police act of intimidation more difficult that becomes easier within our movement precisely when the floodlights shine on a small number of us.<br /> I ask myself then, what pushed these comrades to act in such a way? Which then turns out to be contradictory, in that first they dissociate themselves from a certain practice, contributing to turning attention to comrades that do not intend to dissociate themselves in this obtuse and preconceived way, and then they solidarise with those struck by the repression, precisely the repression which with its own dissociative practice it had contributed to soliciting. Such behaviour seems to me to be not only contradictory but also devoid of that minimum of political intelligence required in the practice of social struggles, whatever this practice might be, without being too subtle.<br /> A comrade, with a passion that is his, defined them recently at the Forlì conference as “pieces of shit”. Certainly, it’s a strong phrase, beyond all measure of good manners, but we must also understand that certain ways of acting, beyond sharing cetain practices or not, are not admissable in that it is behaviour that supplies the instruments of repression.<br /> I would suggest a let’s say “benevolent” reading of these “incidents” in which, in my opinion, have run into both the Milan FAI and Rivista A; basically the latter have been taken by surprise: they did not expect a movement to exist in today’s reality, a number of comrades, even minimal, that were intending to realise destructive attacks against militarist objectives. This intention is happening in practice and we, of this paper, have punctually witnessed how much is happening, at times undergoing incrimination, raids, and trials with accusations of instigation, apology, and, incredible as it may seem, participation; without for that claiming that what we are pointing out should receive the applause of all comrades. But it is necessary to reflect better on what might happen in future, when taking a position.<br /> Criticism is one thing. Police-style infamous denunciation is another.<br /><br />NUMBER FOURTEEN<br /><br />ABSOLUTELY NOTHING AMB<br />Racism<br />A Meeting in the Abyss of Despair<br />A Murrain of Fascists<br />Communique Milan Comrades Leave ProvocAzione<br />The New Technological Materials<br />Considerations About a Meeting (Forlì) AMB<br />Between Anarchists and Shopkeepers<br />Attack against Oto Melara (ind. militare)<br />Chile 1° May Clashes<br />Between Shopkeepers and Anarchists<br />The Dogs of Sinai<br />The Lightness of Being<br />AntiArab Racism<br />Two Bombs in Barcelona<br />Out of the Ghetto* (?Insurrection)<br />Mini-Riots in Plymouth* (Insurrection)<br />Seeing Clearly (Re attack against Luxemburg Bookshop in Turin)<br />Communique - Anarchist Vitriol<br />Raids in Palermo<br />Donations? Young Milanese procatari<br />Anti-clericalism<br />Clashes 1° May Berlin<br />5th Anticlerical Meeting Alga Marina<br />Why Only a Provocation?<br />From Milan Downwards<br />Dynamite Against the Pope (Lima)<br />WHY WE ALONE’ AMB<br />Attack on US Military Train<br />Old Lady against BBC<br />CALL TO COMRADES IN GOOD FAITH AMB<br />What to Say About the silence? (Forlì)<br /><br />Editorial missing<br /><br />NUMBER FIFTEEN<br /><br />Bagnoli, Rage and Limits<br />Corea - Olympic Games as an Occasion<br />Inside America<br />Holland Against Shell<br />Repression in La Spezia<br />Attacks Against Israeli Importer<br />In Naples Against Pollution<br />Athens - Anti-Nato Attack<br />Police Cars Burned<br />Racism in the Anarchist Movement?<br />New Palestinian Iniatives<br />“Goodbye Armed Struggle” But Not to Lie Down Before Power<br />Bombs in Florence<br />2 Bombs against Augusta (weapons)<br />Clashes in Berlin<br />Bombs in Athens<br />English Army Depot Burned Out<br />Water Revolt<br />Clashes in Stonehenge<br />Experia Social Centre<br />With J.S.Paillacar<br />Clarity<br />Parcel Bomb, Kennedy<br />Various IRA attacks<br /><br />Issue 15<br /><br />Bagnoli<br />The riot in Naples had the effect of the crack of a whip against local and national power. Destroying nearly all the regional and town hall structures the workers have imposed the reason of rage against the negligence and absenteeism of the bosses. But it is also necessary to see the limits of these outlets so that they can extend beyond the simple objective of defence of wages and jobs.<br /><br />Korea<br />The revolt of the south Korean students continues, also against the continual infiltrations and attempts to recuperate North Korean of North Korean politicians. Beyond this there is the sign, very important for us, of trying to contrast a spectacular demo like the Olympics which undoubtedly constitutes one of the highest moments of the productivist exaltation of international capitalism. Sport, on such occasions, is just a reminder.<br /><br /><br />Holland<br /><br /> Shell finances and guarantees the racist government in South Africa. It is one of the few multinationals that continues to work and produce in the country that discriminates against blacks. Certainly not alone, but for the moment the attack against its petrol pumps that has been carried out in Holland could be considered the sign of a revolutionary internationalism.<br /><br />America<br />One of the black quarters of New York turned over by the repression starting with the excuse of drugs and now widening to a politic aimed at extinguishing the organisation of rebellion that is passing through the conditions of the most absolute poverty and unlivable conditions of the ghettos.<br /><br />Repression in La Spezia<br />The most militarised city in Italy. The activity of anarchists. Their revolutionary presence against any adhesion to the will of the so-called democratic regime. Repression, blind and absurd. But that cannot dissuade the struggle, involvement and antagonism.<br /><br />Is there racism in the anarchist movement?<br />Starting off from an article on the Palestinian question recently published by “Rivista A” the comrades of Folingo propose a text elaborated by a number of Palestinian students. This text obviously presents limits. It is interesting all the same because it allows us to better understand some aspects of the complex Palestinian problem and the clash that is presently in course both in the occupied territories and within the territory of Israel itself.<br /><br />Goodbye...Struggle<br />A few critical considerations on the recent positions taken by Rivista A. End of armed struggle of a certain kind, precisely that which based itself on the analyses of the authoritarian marxist kind. That does not mean that an automatic parallel can be drawn between armed struggle and authoritarian marxism. To develop a detailed analysis that might not be shared by all, the article shows well the possible solutions of a complex problem.<br /><br />Experia<br />In Catania a social space abandoned for years has been occupied and been transformed into a centre for musical activities, theatre, self-managed production, etc. The importance of the action is considerable in a city such as Catania, which has never seen such a thing and which certainly remains one of the most backward cities as far as social services are concerned as it is at the mercy of a Mafiosi local administration.<br /><br />J.S. Paillacar<br />Behind the prison bars indications that are coherent with revolutionary principles. One of these is that of JSP. The Committee for his freedom has taken on the spreading of his position, the most coherent for an anarchist revolutionary. Unfortunately, also among comrades we would have thought were more openly available in the clash and violent struggle against the state, distinction and precisions are emerging which is from an abstract static point of view are well-founded, in practice do not preclude a cautious taking a distance.<br /><br />Fuori dei denti..<br />Precisions in the respective ways of being and seeing things. A few clear words on what should be a revolutionary and who is a political intriguer and social democrat winger.<br /><br />Hooligans<br />The recent events at the world cup - not football in the strict sense of the word - have shown a return in grand style of the violence of the hooligans. Once again we have been confronted with reality of a problem which far from reducing itself or being put under control by the so much bandied repressive capacities of the police, is going back to showing up the most desolate and contradictory aspects of our time.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-32471435732955464972009-12-25T14:21:00.000-08:002009-12-25T15:06:43.403-08:00ISSUE THIRTEENIn past times when everything seemed to be going for the best on the wings of ideological illusions, when demonstrations and clashes, destructive actions and attacks against the class enemy were only disturbed by those who stubbornly wanted to move them to a level of excessive military efficiency. At times when the present fashion of symbolism and creeping repression had not yet been discovered. One lined up whole-heartedly with different possible ways of seeing the social clash and the revolutionary intervention.<br /> On the one hand the old remnants of social democracy that were contained in anarchist symbols and banners, on the other the noisy supporters of disturbance taken to the extreme of the ecstatic dreams of the former and their more or less avid supporters.<br /> For the outside spectator the clashes, both verbal and on printed paper, seemed like a storm in a teacup. Chatter on the right, chatter on the left. More or less well done more or less agreeable to read, obvious in its basic elements.<br /> Then there was a third element, that which we could now call the “centrists”. Comrades who like Pontias Pilate did not want (and do not want, because they are still around) to dirty their hands, avoiding with contortion the occasion of taking sides in one or the other way of seeing things. This “marais”, like all swamps, lay hidden, nesting in the corridors of meetings and conferences but never coming out into the light of day with smiles and hyberbolic declarations of esteem, at the same time as unequivocable indications of equidistance.<br /> Whatever the reasons at the time were for the possibilist “social-democrats” and whatever the unconfessed interests of the inhabitants of the “marais” the fact remains that most of the time they end up cohabiting within the same positions, cutting, without realising it, the same lean figure.<br /> Now things are changing. If you like, in the rarefaction of the facts present, divergences and methods are distinguishing themselves better. The old possibilists have been leading the movement, recruiting new adepts and these, as always happens, are more realist than the king. The swamp in the middle is filling up with new opportunists who, in the best of cases, i.e. giving them credit for their good faith, must say they do not know which fish to choose. Not to mention professional informers and spies, who also exist, but they make up such a minute isolated minority that, for the time being, they are not worth mentioning.<br /> We believe that the evolution of things, i.e. of the conditions of exploitation, the production of the new subordinated man sold out to the new techniques of power, the destruction of any residual sign of humanity or dignity; all this along with elements of the good will of the few who have not remained prisoner to psychological dilemas and moral plunder; they will produce a new need for confrontation. We do not believe it possible to carry on as though nothing has happened, to see the old social democratic merchandise, as we believe it is difficult that in the next few months one will be able to continue to float in the slimy waters of the swamp without fishing down to the depths.<br /> To understand ourselves, beyond any possible doubt, we do not intend here to point out eventual roads of clarification or convergence in the name of superior principles to be saved at any cost. We are only indicating the sad possibility of a far heavier divarication. And neither does our contestation want to be a raising of shields but simply a bitter verification of how cancer-ridden and insanabile divergences are. We have never shown pity on anyone, least of all ourselves, and we don’t intend to start now. That is why we might seem to be too rigid at times. The fact is that perhaps we really are rigid.<br /><br />NUMBER THIRTEEN<br /><br />Milan: the Two Faces of the Metropolis<br />Greece: Repression and State Crimes<br />Let’s Boycott Israeli Products<br />Anti-NatoAttack in Spain<br />Attack in Sardina<br />Mario Innes Torres<br />Clashes in Venezuela<br />Belgium: against Police<br />Evictions, Rage in Milan<br />Eggs in Turin<br />Is There a Jewish Problem?* (?Palestine mon amour)<br />Communique for the Press and Public Information<br />To Antonio Gizzo<br />A Molotov in Turin<br />Communique<br />Antizionist Initiative in Turin<br />Attacks in Frankfurt<br />Escape<br />Silence and the Cigar<br />Computer Viruses<br />Elections in New Caledonia?<br />American Space Shield Security Systems Made Fun of<br />Antistudent Movement Aliens<br />PREVALENCE OF PRACTICE? AMB* (Propulsive Utopia)<br />Beyond the Nuclear Swindle<br />Comunque ‘Green City’<br />Communique “A” Rivista<br />Antinuclear Attacks in Milan<br />Anarchist Communique <br />“Comatic Station (Vivaitalia)<br />Against Reformism<br />Reconsidering Antimilitarism<br />South Africa - “Sharpville Six” Execution Stayed<br />Guatemala - A Genocide that Lasts Over 30 Days<br />Anti-Militarist Initiative<br />Germany - A New Middle Ages<br />The Social Democratic Offensive<br />Repression in Milan<br />“Rats” in Moscow (thefts in flats)<br />Revolt in French PrisonUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-8366239698841563162009-12-25T14:20:00.000-08:002009-12-25T15:04:09.930-08:00ISSUE TWELVEPower is getting time to rearrange its structures and sort out its projects for the best.<br /> This is the significance one grasps from the hesitation and uncertainty on the best way to set out the struggle.<br /> The traditional front of the class struggle, after the more or less long periods of wild rearrangement, is addressing itself towards sorting out more tranquil and productive social peace in the medium term.The “theorem” of Tarantelli and Modigliani is revealing itself to be inexact. Political re-enforcements, as an effect of an economic re-organisation, is producing better conditions of exploitation. People feel safer (better represented) and, largely speaking, are more willing to be exploited. The democratic wager must be played out in full. In the case of the contrary, an inverse process could set underway. Credit could become debit, faith lack of it. Peace rage.<br /> In what way and in what times all that could happen, we cannot say. Economic reajustments are proceding well. The financial counterblows (such as those in the stock exchange) are better ammorticised than happened following the relative (therefore growing) independence of the capitalist structures from crude financial capitalist needs. Italy in particular is growing economically to levels such as to threaten the French and English leaderships. We are also about to become economic colonisers in territories that were traditionally the decisional centres where foreign colonialism started off against us (who can forget the exploitation realised in Italy by the great foreign railway firms). There are drawbacks, but these are also under control. The unemployed are on the increase, but they are not giving excessive preoccupations. The State deficit is at levels that were unthinkable just a few years ago, but is still far from the standard levels of the big industrial countries. We now know well that only with big debts is it possible to manage big enterprises of exploitation. The complex management of the enterprise does not matter, what counts is profit in the short term. In fact, to be precise, not so much profit in financial terms but power and influence in the short term.<br /> The level of the struggle is in decline. It is pointless to hide this fact. The sign of this decline is given by the fact that the confederated unions are also gaining ground, eminently holding all kinds of autonomous phenomena under control, moreover carriers of not very original reasons for struggle. The decrease in struggles will give new space to the final structuring of power. If in the next two years a new cycle of struggles does not take root, capital will place its unsurmountable frontiers in such a way as to guarantee itself at least a decade of sure margins.<br /> It no longer seems to us to be the case to come out again with the symbols of the great unifying objectives. Nuclear power, for example, undoubtedly constitutes a “readable” objective, but no longer in a “demonstrative” key. In this perspective it has become a supporting element of restructuring. The same can be said for all kinds of pollution. These two sectors can see interventions of struggle, and the same in the sectors of international class collaboration, but not at demonstrative levels. To fight today for whoever wants to do so, means finding new roads even within these sectors of intervention that are open to everyone. But these new roads can, at least in the beginning, fail to be practicable except by a few.<br /> The awakening of great strata of comrades and exploited in general can only come about more slowly. The struggle, simple and practical, is taking up again, from the beginning. With simple means, without great illusions, but with the usual hope in our hearts.<br /><br />NUMBER TWELVE<br /><br />Third world: Gulag of Capital<br />Trial Agostino Manni<br />Demo against ACNA<br />Roberto Gemigmami Freed<br />Freedom For Juan Paillacar<br />Freedom for Comrades in Prison<br />Social Sabotage is Never Terrorism<br />Pylons Sawn Down<br />“We Will Stain” Every Place of Detention<br />Sabotage at Gargnano<br />Kronstadt Social Centre Communique<br />Adieu Cobas<br />To Destroy the Mafia You Must Destroy the State<br />Pirates in the Philippines<br />Against the Exporters of Social Detention<br />Attack in Ajaccio<br />“Kanak” in Revolt<br />Tension in Ireland<br />Extradition<br />The Eggheads of Control<br />“Milipol”: The Arms of Terrorism on Show<br />THE MORAL FRACTURE (AMB) * (Propulsive Utopia, Insurrection)<br />Comidad: Apersuasive “Consolatory” Discourse<br />Declaration<br />From Prison in Solidarity With the Palestinians<br />Greek Exploiter Brought to Justice<br />“International Revolutionary Solidarity”<br />American Antinuclear Folklore<br />Anatomy of a Desert<br />Another Letter<br />A Reply to Pierre tognoli<br />‘El Paso and Squats in Turin<br />Self-management is not Self-service<br />Social Struggles in Milan<br />Zanone Contested at the University<br />Long Live work<br />The Reasons of a People<br />A Cigar in the Mouth<br />Feast Infested<br />Communique - UCC<br />“Bancomat” Sabotaged in Milan<br />Orazio and Giuseppe Freed<br />Meeting in Rome<br />Nautillus Communique<br />“The Poverty of the Student Movement”Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-29352308930219176262009-12-25T14:18:00.002-08:002009-12-25T15:02:40.176-08:00ISSUE ELEVENA search for a new equilibrium. This is without doubt the dominant theme of the political moment that we are going through. Not only in Italy, but all over the world.<br /> However, considering things from the point of view of our own reality we must say right away that this research is not only happening with the consultations on institutional reforms at various levels, not only with the roped climbers against the wild protests of a certain trade unionism of new coinage but also with a certain way of facing the problem of the past legislative and judicial emergency.<br /> On various sides they are again taking up the question of amnesty, pardon and all the other judicial instruments that are capable of resolving the delicate situation in which we have come to find State institutions in the face of the phenomenon of armed struggle as this phenomenon has been developing over past years.<br /> We do not know how things will turn out, sure that they had to be sorted out in one way or another. To be convinced of this are not only the dissociated old and new with all their more or less intelligent nuances, but also those who - like Piperno - are on the point of returning to Italy or have already done so.<br /> The solution will, in the first place, be a useful fact in the prospects of new Italian political equilibrium. The State, especially in the face of a prospect of institutional and constitutional reshuffles, needs an old-style political “opposition” even stuffed with opportunely recycled unglorious signatures . From this “opposition” one could, as everyone understands, make the most opportune and optimal use as a lubricant to avoid the risky frictions of the past, i.e. greater unrest. Certainly, men have bargained with the State, even in “intelligent” terms, such as those who “suggest” that the State looks at its cards again and remedies the “wrongs” of the past to avoid a gloomy future of “useless” and bloody clashes, must necessarily be available for manipulation, to suitable use. We are not talking about a Curcio in parliament like Negri and perhaps worse than him. But we are talking of an opposition that is insinuating itself beyond the institutions (that’s a manner of speaking) recuperating the real dissent of the country that is precisely the greatest preoccupation of our governers at a time that is presenting itself as transitory, to go towards an institutional resystemisation. Think of the great importance of a fictitious opposition of the old stamp organised in the streets, supported by the official forces of the parties and of the left, or even by recycled organisations or those of a new stamp, to serve as a safety valve at a time when they finally want to gag the possibilities of strikes, spontaneous workers’ organisations, freedom of movement, of thought, meeting, etc. Because that is what we are talking about.<br /> The State is prospecting a more adequate refoundation in the nineties, which will be years of struggle for the drastic restructuring of production on the basis of the post-industrial economy. In this perspective it could be very comfortable to have a fictitious opposition that pushes the great masses of the past in piazza, people with so many years’ prison to display as a guarantee and hazy ambivalent discourses to contraband as new horizons of revolutionary struggle.<br /> The thing is not so strange. It is necessary to reflect on it. After all, in the perspective of State restructuring it is precisely the highly politicised minorities that scare, those who could constitute a point of reference, a potentially subversive struggle. And it would be difficult to control these minorities and repress them with the classical means (police, judiciary, etc.) that a democratic State has as its disposal. While they could easily fall into the arms of a fictitious orientation of opposition and, so doing, definitively disarm themselves. <br /> That is why - and we remind all those who have not understood it yet - we have always been against all struggles for amnesty. That is why, once again, we are pointing out the dangers of a turning in the direction of “pardon”, legitimisation, or whatever more or less clean term they want to indicate the abandonment and renunciation of ideals and the practice of revolutionary struggle.<br /><br />NUMBER ELEVEN<br /><br />Celebration of a Massacre (PLP)<br />Ethopia Exports Beef<br />Ed Koch at the Stake: The Homeless Rebel<br />The “Last Mazurka” and the Parenthesis of “Corriere”<br />Editorial<br />No Expulsions, No Extraditions<br />Against the Persecution of a Comrade<br />Attacks in Corsica<br />Attacks in Bretagne<br />Solidarity with “Action Directe”/Trial<br />Lottery Rebibbia<br />Lesbians against the House of Lords<br />Revolt in Prison in Brasil<br />“AnNew Black Contestation<br />Racism in Direct on American TV<br />THE TYRANNY OF WEAKNESS AMB* (Insurrection)<br />Revolt in the Soviet Prisons<br />Thefts in soviet supermarkets<br />USSR: Sacked workers Struggle<br />Indians Rebel<br />How to Jinx Police<br />“Down with Work” “Disintegrate control” centre pages<br />The Anarchist Movement Must React<br />Attacks in Sardinia<br />What Pluralism?<br />Palermo - Counterinformation on the Walls<br />New Year in Germany<br />Inaugural Tee Shirt<br />Two Pylons sabotaged<br />Organised anarchism<br />A Letter<br />“Post Festum”<br />Communicato<br />Attack against Fininvest<br />Digos Raid Home of AMB<br />Bomb against Pretura<br />Solidarity With the Palestinians<br />On the Side of the Palestinians<br />Unexpected Explosion<br />Struggle Against apartheid is Struggle against Caopital and the State<br /> Freedom For Roberto Gemignani<br />Night Creatures in Court<br />Fire to Building society<br />Enel Pylons Sawn Down at Caorso and Montalto<br />Proletarian Expropriation<br />Against an Army Barracks<br />Teacher PunishedUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-48764156442666669012009-12-25T14:18:00.001-08:002009-12-25T14:18:26.613-08:00ISSUE ELEVENA search for a new equilibrium. This is without doubt the dominant theme of the political moment that we are going through. Not only in Italy, but all over the world.<br /> However, considering things from the point of view of our own reality we must say right away that this research is not only happening with the consultations on institutional reforms at various levels, not only with the roped climbers against the wild protests of a certain trade unionism of new coinage but also with a certain way of facing the problem of the past legislative and judicial emergency.<br /> On various sides they are again taking up the question of amnesty, pardon and all the other judicial instruments that are capable of resolving the delicate situation in which we have come to find State institutions in the face of the phenomenon of armed struggle as this phenomenon has been developing over past years.<br /> We do not know how things will turn out, sure that they had to be sorted out in one way or another. To be convinced of this are not only the dissociated old and new with all their more or less intelligent nuances, but also those who - like Piperno - are on the point of returning to Italy or have already done so.<br /> The solution will, in the first place, be a useful fact in the prospects of new Italian political equilibrium. The State, especially in the face of a prospect of institutional and constitutional reshuffles, needs an old-style political “opposition” even stuffed with opportunely recycled unglorious signatures . From this “opposition” one could, as everyone understands, make the most opportune and optimal use as a lubricant to avoid the risky frictions of the past, i.e. greater unrest. Certainly, men have bargained with the State, even in “intelligent” terms, such as those who “suggest” that the State looks at its cards again and remedies the “wrongs” of the past to avoid a gloomy future of “useless” and bloody clashes, must necessarily be available for manipulation, to suitable use. We are not talking about a Curcio in parliament like Negri and perhaps worse than him. But we are talking of an opposition that is insinuating itself beyond the institutions (that’s a manner of speaking) recuperating the real dissent of the country that is precisely the greatest preoccupation of our governers at a time that is presenting itself as transitory, to go towards an institutional resystemisation. Think of the great importance of a fictitious opposition of the old stamp organised in the streets, supported by the official forces of the parties and of the left, or even by recycled organisations or those of a new stamp, to serve as a safety valve at a time when they finally want to gag the possibilities of strikes, spontaneous workers’ organisations, freedom of movement, of thought, meeting, etc. Because that is what we are talking about.<br /> The State is prospecting a more adequate refoundation in the nineties, which will be years of struggle for the drastic restructuring of production on the basis of the post-industrial economy. In this perspective it could be very comfortable to have a fictitious opposition that pushes the great masses of the past in piazza, people with so many years’ prison to display as a guarantee and hazy ambivalent discourses to contraband as new horizons of revolutionary struggle.<br /> The thing is not so strange. It is necessary to reflect on it. After all, in the perspective of State restructuring it is precisely the highly politicised minorities that scare, those who could constitute a point of reference, a potentially subversive struggle. And it would be difficult to control these minorities and repress them with the classical means (police, judiciary, etc.) that a democratic State has as its disposal. While they could easily fall into the arms of a fictitious orientation of opposition and, so doing, definitively disarm themselves. <br /> That is why - and we remind all those who have not understood it yet - we have always been against all struggles for amnesty. That is why, once again, we are pointing out the dangers of a turning in the direction of “pardon”, legitimisation, or whatever more or less clean term they want to indicate the abandonment and renunciation of ideals and the practice of revolutionary struggle.<br /><br /><br />Editorial<br /><br />Number Twelve<br /> Power is getting time to rearrange its structures and sort out its projects for the best.<br /> This is the significance one grasps from the hesitation and uncertainty on the best way to set out the struggle.<br /> The traditional front of the class struggle, after the more or less long periods of wild rearrangement, is addressing itself towards sorting out more tranquil and productive social peace in the medium term.The “theorem” of Tarantelli and Modigliani is revealing itself to be inexact. Political re-enforcements, as an effect of an economic re-organisation, is producing better conditions of exploitation. People feel safer (better represented) and, largely speaking, are more willing to be exploited. The democratic wager must be played out in full. In the case of the contrary, an inverse process could set underway. Credit could become debit, faith lack of it. Peace rage.<br /> In what way and in what times all that could happen, we cannot say. Economic reajustments are proceding well. The financial counterblows (such as those in the stock exchange) are better ammorticised than happened following the relative (therefore growing) independence of the capitalist structures from crude financial capitalist needs. Italy in particular is growing economically to levels such as to threaten the French and English leaderships. We are also about to become economic colonisers in territories that were traditionally the decisional centres where foreign colonialism started off against us (who can forget the exploitation realised in Italy by the great foreign railway firms). There are drawbacks, but these are also under control. The unemployed are on the increase, but they are not giving excessive preoccupations. The State deficit is at levels that were unthinkable just a few years ago, but is still far from the standard levels of the big industrial countries. We now know well that only with big debts is it possible to manage big enterprises of exploitation. The complex management of the enterprise does not matter, what counts is profit in the short term. In fact, to be precise, not so much profit in financial terms but power and influence in the short term.<br /> The level of the struggle is in decline. It is pointless to hide this fact. The sign of this decline is given by the fact that the confederated unions are also gaining ground, eminently holding all kinds of autonomous phenomena under control, moreover carriers of not very original reasons for struggle. The decrease in struggles will give new space to the final structuring of power. If in the next two years a new cycle of struggles does not take root, capital will place its unsurmountable frontiers in such a way as to guarantee itself at least a decade of sure margins.<br /> It no longer seems to us to be the case to come out again with the symbols of the great unifying objectives. Nuclear power, for example, undoubtedly constitutes a “readable” objective, but no longer in a “demonstrative” key. In this perspective it has become a supporting element of restructuring. The same can be said for all kinds of pollution. These two sectors can see interventions of struggle, and the same in the sectors of international class collaboration, but not at demonstrative levels. To fight today for whoever wants to do so, means finding new roads even within these sectors of intervention that are open to everyone. But these new roads can, at least in the beginning, fail to be practicable except by a few.<br /> The awakening of great strata of comrades and exploited in general can only come about more slowly. The struggle, simple and practical, is taking up again, from the beginning. With simple means, without great illusions, but with the usual hope in our hearts.<br /><br />Editorial<br /><br /><br />Number thirteen<br /><br /> In past times when everything seemed to be going for the best on the wings of ideological illusions, when demonstrations and clashes, destructive actions and attacks against the class enemy were only disturbed by those who stubbornly wanted to move them to a level of excessive military efficiency. At times when the present fashion of symbolism and creeping repression had not yet been discovered. One lined up whole-heartedly with different possible ways of seeing the social clash and the revolutionary intervention.<br /> On the one hand the old remnants of social democracy that were contained in anarchist symbols and banners, on the other the noisy supporters of disturbance taken to the extreme of the ecstatic dreams of the former and their more or less avid supporters.<br /> For the outside spectator the clashes, both verbal and on printed paper, seemed like a storm in a teacup. Chatter on the right, chatter on the left. More or less well done more or less agreeable to read, obvious in its basic elements.<br /> Then there was a third element, that which we could now call the “centrists”. Comrades who like Pontias Pilate did not want (and do not want, because they are still around) to dirty their hands, avoiding with contortion the occasion of taking sides in one or the other way of seeing things. This “marais”, like all swamps, lay hidden, nesting in the corridors of meetings and conferences but never coming out into the light of day with smiles and hyberbolic declarations of esteem, at the same time as unequivocable indications of equidistance.<br /> Whatever the reasons at the time were for the possibilist “social-democrats” and whatever the unconfessed interests of the inhabitants of the “marais” the fact remains that most of the time they end up cohabiting within the same positions, cutting, without realising it, the same lean figure.<br /> Now things are changing. If you like, in the rarefaction of the facts present, divergences and methods are distinguishing themselves better. The old possibilists have been leading the movement, recruiting new adepts and these, as always happens, are more realist than the king. The swamp in the middle is filling up with new opportunists who, in the best of cases, i.e. giving them credit for their good faith, must say they do not know which fish to choose. Not to mention professional informers and spies, who also exist, but they make up such a minute isolated minority that, for the time being, they are not worth mentioning.<br /> We believe that the evolution of things, i.e. of the conditions of exploitation, the production of the new subordinated man sold out to the new techniques of power, the destruction of any residual sign of humanity or dignity; all this along with elements of the good will of the few who have not remained prisoner to psychological dilemas and moral plunder; they will produce a new need for confrontation. We do not believe it possible to carry on as though nothing has happened, to see the old social democratic merchandise, as we believe it is difficult that in the next few months one will be able to continue to float in the slimy waters of the swamp without fishing down to the depths.<br /> To understand ourselves, beyond any possible doubt, we do not intend here to point out eventual roads of clarification or convergence in the name of superior principles to be saved at any cost. We are only indicating the sad possibility of a far heavier divarication. And neither does our contestation want to be a raising of shields but simply a bitter verification of how cancer-ridden and insanabile divergences are. We have never shown pity on anyone, least of all ourselves, and we don’t intend to start now. That is why we might seem to be too rigid at times. The fact is that perhaps we really are rigid.<br /><br />Editorial<br /><br />Number fourteen<br /> In the things of life you want a little logic and, why not, also intelligence. Also in the highly discutable and miserable practice of dissociation, those who are masters in this field have made us see that you need a certain logic, a certain graduality. Dissociative positions are not in themselves necessary up until the moment when facts that do not have any agreement among those who intend to dissociate themselves are verified.<br /> For example, the long line of dissociated in the past 15 years has taught us that there is always time for signing declarations. First one must see how things stand, evaluate the pros and the cons, before taking a distance from someone whose practices we do not approve of.<br /> Preconfectioned dissociation “bulletins” as these could be defined let us say, their linguistic structure predetermined, to be put into circulation by parties, politicians and economic personalities when certain facts occur. It is a question of generic condemnation where one frequently finds the term “vile attack” and other such things.<br /> The difference exists although it remains within a strata that disgusts in any case.<br /> Now, what one might ask, were the motivations that pushed the comrades of Rivista “A” and the FAI in Milan to dissociate themselves from events that took place in Milan some time ago, small attacks against militarist objectives like the ENEL nuclear research centre or similar firms who work in the nuclear sectors?<br /> Why did they immediately bring out a communique? What did they want to distinguish themselves from in such a hurry? They certainly weren’t afraid of the risk of seeing themselves with the carabinieri turning up at their homes to raid them, in that it is well known - at least it is without doubt so in Milan - that these political line-ups do not agree with certain practices. What did they want to take a distance from? Would not it have been better to wait for a few days to pass, if nothing else to be able to successively defend the comrades who could (and presumably will be, persecuted for things they are quite extraneous to), and at the same time as they support the comrades, see to making the legitimate distinction they are imposing in political terms because it is not right for everyone to share a practice which by its very nature cannot be other than, at the moment, accepted by only a few?<br /> Wouldn’t that have been better?<br /> Of course it would have been better and it would have made a police act of intimidation more difficult that becomes easier within our movement precisely when the floodlights shine on a small number of us.<br /> I ask myself then, what pushed these comrades to act in such a way? Which then turns out to be contradictory, in that first they dissociate themselves from a certain practice, contributing to turning attention to comrades that do not intend to dissociate themselves in this obtuse and preconceived way, and then they solidarise with those struck by the repression, precisely the repression which with its own dissociative practice it had contributed to soliciting. Such behaviour seems to me to be not only contradictory but also devoid of that minimum of political intelligence required in the practice of social struggles, whatever this practice might be, without being too subtle.<br /> A comrade, with a passion that is his, defined them recently at the Forlì conference as “pieces of shit”. Certainly, it’s a strong phrase, beyond all measure of good manners, but we must also understand that certain ways of acting, beyond sharing cetain practices or not, are not admissable in that it is behaviour that supplies the instruments of repression.<br /> I would suggest a let’s say “benevolent” reading of these “incidents” in which, in my opinion, have run into both the Milan FAI and Rivista A; basically the latter have been taken by surprise: they did not expect a movement to exist in today’s reality, a number of comrades, even minimal, that were intending to realise destructive attacks against militarist objectives. This intention is happening in practice and we, of this paper, have punctually witnessed how much is happening, at times undergoing incrimination, raids, and trials with accusations of instigation, apology, and, incredible as it may seem, participation; without for that claiming that what we are pointing out should receive the applause of all comrades. But it is necessary to reflect better on what might happen in future, when taking a position.<br /> Criticism is one thing. Police-style infamous denunciation is another.<br /><br />Editorial<br /><br /><br />Number Sixteen<br /><br /> There are various ways to see the situation one finds oneself living in as natural and thriving. One of these, undoubtedly the best, is by using the positive aspects of the situation itself, not worrying about what happens to others but only in the line of principle - also painful - of a spectacle that has now become habitual and tedious. However, in any case, both in the eventuality of the first as in the second, nothing is moved of one’s own initiative, nothing of that which belongs to us and which is clear to us put in question and submitted to criticism.<br /> We have before our eyes the plateal behaviour of those who come under the first conception of life cited above, but also that no less plateal of those who raise a groan in the name of the second.<br /> It is the latter, as it is easy to understand, who attract our attention, giving the first for the time being our absolute despisal, then later, we hope, something more concrete.<br /> Profound changes are taking place in the world: generalised insurrections, changes in the structures and equilibrium of international power, massacres and genocide of every dimension. Over all this fine people pull a piteous veil of routine interest: the newspaper (even our papers), TV. The spectacle of massacres reaches our homes every day, our eyes are now trained and our hearing switched off.<br /> The Palestinians are beginning their 10th month of popular insurrection in the occupied territories, they are systematically being massacred by the Israeli occupying army, they are dying in the ghettoes and concentration camps. We listen and watch.<br /> The South African blacks are defying the most racist country in the world, they are organising in struggle structures, they are being killed daily not only by the bullets of the army and police, but also by hunger and isolation. We listen and watch.<br /> The Birmanians are rebelling against a dictatorial socialist regime. The people are fighting in the streets against the army in the most total isolation in the most complete indifference. We listen and watch. <br /> The Afghan Mujaheddin continue their struggle, even after the disparity of the Russian army. Now, although between internal disputes for the conquest of power, the time is right for the moment of truth with the puppet regime. Only the poor people, involved in a gigantic struggle that has been going on for almost a decade, continue to die. We listen and watch.<br /> The Miskitos of Central America, after having won their battle against Managua which was obliged to a truce, are employed in taking up the struggle again against the Honduras. Also here massacres are the order of the day: hundreds of dead, 70 villages raized to the ground, thousands of refugees. We listen and watch.<br /> In Burundi a majority are literally being massacred by a minority in power in the name of a crazy racial difference but, more precisely in defence of specific economic interests and those of power. We listen and watch.<br /> Then in Ireland, Spain, Corsica, New Caledonia, Canada, Yugoslavia, Russia, etc., peoples in struggle are trying to survive against oppression, the division in classes to the profit of the strongest, systematic death organised in great style. We limit ourselves to listening and looking.<br /> Yet, in our own small way, we can do something. Not in the optic that revealed itself to be a losing one so many years ago, that which could be summed up in the words “taking the third world into Europe”, so much as in the optic of attack on the European capitalist interests that are being woven with the interests of those who, in every part of the world, are putting the people in revolt under their heels.<br /> We can therefore do little things. And many of us are of the opinion that these things need to be done, and soon. Many others are only waiting for a slight push, collaboration, advice, a suggestion, practical and technical support, a little analytical clarity. Then there are many others, also among ourselves, who do not think the same way. And it is to them that we are addressing ourselves.<br /> They belong to the category of those for whom nothing goes well that is done in the name of practical initiative and immediate and precise direct action. They have strange theses for criticising whoever wants to act now, right away. The strangest are the first who base themselves on the sophism that small actions do not serve because they do not disturb anyone and only increase repression (but against whom?) while the most important actions are the patrimony of groups of specialists against whom it is always necessary to be in a critical position, otherwise what anarchists would we be.<br /> In other words, they don’t know what they want. Neither small actions (to understand each other, these people do not agree with attacks on the pylons of the ENEL and have bitterly criticised attacks against the death industries that were struck some time ago in Milan), nor the large (only hypothetical at the moment, to capital’s good fortune, certainly not ours).<br /> Just talk. That, yes, is all right for them. Analyses. The incredible and strongly anachronistic lists of war industry, nuclear, etc, lists made up it seems to document that capital produces arms, produces nuclear power, etc, as though we didn’t know. If then some of these lists want to reach the due consequences, then they line themselves immediately against, criticisng whoever decides that two and two make four.<br /> Mysteries of the logic of a certain anarchism.<br /> The fact is that certain comrades have transformed anarchism into a pacific gymnasium of interesting debates, in which each one measures themselves with the other in the exclusive light of the worthiness of their own lives. Practice must stay outside the door.<br /> We don’t agree.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-70501569364524319562009-12-25T14:17:00.001-08:002009-12-25T15:01:27.167-08:00ISSUE TENRegularity. That would be a good title for the editorial I am about to write. But also the need for regularity. First the periodical kind, then the personal, that rythm of biological and social equilibrium that makes us keep well or otherwise, discovering aspects of incommeasurable beauty in the most disastruous of situations.<br /> And it is the name of regularity, of foreseeability and uniformity that the most fearful crimes, the most incredible atrocities, have been committed. And it is always our regularity that we want to impose on others, the regularity of our church, our Credo, our Faith, whether these be lay, or, why not, even revolutionary.<br /> And each one swears on their own itinerary of regularity, suspecting bad intentions, that turn out to be all right.<br /> Whoever observes the action of others and does not understand it immediately has recourse to an expedient: they disqualify the latter, demonise it. In this way they convince themselves that they can understand them,while they are do nothing but showing up their own ignorance when not their bad faith. For this reason anyone who acts is always seen with a bad eye by those who find excuses for not attacking the enemy, and the courage and decision of the first are never recognised except through calumny and the chatter of rumours. Mean figures of regularity are hanging around in the most fetid meanderings of the revolutionary movement and are filling their sad days with the behaviour of cops and spies. What can we do about it?<br /> The evil is precisely in this excessive need for regularity that we all have. Some get over it, as we hope to do, at least sometimes, admitting that others might think differently, but no one is immune. We often act against the behaviour of others. And this is certainly, at least at first glance, an attitude one has with a certain regularity by considering ourselves to be superior to others. And if things were like that, we would also be despicable and condemnable. But we believe things are not exactly like that. Let us see why.<br /> In the first place, we do not agree with certain positions that are substantially those of desistance and accomodation. When we were against amnesty, dissociation, the more or less open declaration of defeat of a method that everyone said was now out of date (that of the direct clash, destructive and immediate) that was because we considered that one couldn’t allow behaviour that not only sold out a whole heritage of struggle that was to be saved (even if submitted to criticism), but also because the thing ended up falling on the shoulders of those who did not accept compromise but remained (in one way or another) firm and inflexible in their positions. There was therefore no question of regularity, but only a question of revolutionary strategy, which might also not please someone but always remains based on the attack and can never be transferred into the field of negotiation.<br /> But when we were affected by the irreducible mania of sticking to the insurrectional method of destructive attack of the class enemy, we have been - and this must also be recognised also by our worst detractors - in the light of day. When we wanted to call someone a cretin, we did so without half measures, just as we have always called some others spies, and others cops.<br /> I do not believe that all those who stick to their regularity have the same courage of their actions. We have the certainty that at least some have been responsible for such behaviour. We are sure that this way of speaking (talking behind the scenes, jousting slander by letter, tracing apocalyptic descriptions of plans and ways of acting, acting the part of the police and the other repressive instruments of the State) is ingrained in those who have absorbed revolutionary activity in the political realm. Many have become (but perhaps they were never anything else) politicians and act as such.<br /> To them, all our disdain. What can we do about it?<br /><br />NUMBER TEN<br /><br />The Revolt of the Palestinians against the Israeli State<br />Who are the Real Racists?<br />The Cobas and Scalzone<br />No “Transparency” in Rumania<br />Blacks in New York<br />Mayor “Dead Man Talking”<br />Escapes on the Increase<br />Unitary Ambit of Organised anarchism<br />Welcome Back Witch Doctors<br />Popular Rebellion in Nigeria<br />Strike Suffocated in Blood in Brasil<br />The Racist Face of American Democracy<br />Let’s Prevent the congress (FMI) Berlin<br />A REFUSAL OF ARMS (AMB)* (Propulsive Utopia)<br />Sweden - computer Instead of Judges?<br />Take the Mask Off Militarism - Antagonists or Zombies<br />What Use is Syndicalism?<br />“The Poem of the Lunatics”<br />“Salvador” by Oliver Stone<br />Anticlerical attack in Peru<br />Escape in England<br />Student Struggles continue in Australia<br />Orazio arrested again<br />Trial Pippo Scarso<br />“Generals of Antimilitarism” or...<br />“Senzapatria” Orazio<br />Against the “democratic” Logic<br />Freedom for Roberto Gemignani<br />Occupation of the Banque De France<br />Pettifoggers and Jugglers<br />New “alternative” Proposals to Imprisonment<br />Schools attacked<br />A Reply From Joe Fallisi<br />Struggle for Social Space in Turin - Avaria<br />Pull the Plug Out<br />Revolt in a Russian Laager<br />Comiso Base “Occupied”<br />Rome: 2 Days on Latin America<br />Attack in Greece<br />Suicide: Instructions for Use<br />Two Wild Hunters<br />Communique (Antimilitarist)<br /><br />Issue 10<br /><br />Palestinians...<br />A rebellion born spontaneously - the role of the media all lined up to support the Palestinians - OLP’s attempts at recuperating and the hegemonisation of Islamism - declaration of a Palestinian boy: “Our leader is anyone who has a stone in his hand”.<br /><br />Romania...<br />A serious economic-social crisis is going through the country - heavy recessive measures by the authorities make proletarian rage explode - information blackout.<br /><br />Racists?<br />The barricades of the Rome middle classes against the gypsies represents an attack on the “different” - racism is natural to the very existence of a society divided into classes - only the class clash will be able to pull the ghetto down.<br /><br />Anarchists organised...<br />There is no one “unitarian ambit” of organised anarchists - some precisions that start off from an article where there appears a clumsy attempt to reduce the problem<br /><br />Welcome back...<br />Against the invading scourge of normality - a general praise of madness as revendicative act of one’s own irreducable subversibe abnormality. A desecrating desertion against who talks seriously of “alternatives” without having sufficient knowledge - against the peddlars of all “truths” - there is nothing to save in this society as the “progressives” would like to think.<br /><br />:::Congress<br />“Forward without forgetting: encounter FMI World Bank in September 1988 in Berlin West” - this appeal was launched by some German comrades who are inviting a confrontation with all other comrades with the aim of uniting one’s strength and concentrating on a common action to make the Congress a failure - the indication is clear: “Let’s make them sweat” - a requets finalised also in the development of a new movement at international level.<br /><br />Refusal of arms<br /><br />the reasons that make one go into the problem of “arms” critically - how to interpret in the anti-militarist field their refusal - there exist different evaluations of arms as inert, abstract objects - if we consider that in reality they exist as “thing in action” or while waiting to be used by man, the insufficiency of the reply given until now becomes clear concerning the pacifists - if it is the man who acts and uses means to reach ends, the sense of its use changes in relation to the very projects of man.<br /><br />Take the mask off antimilitarism<br />Antagonists or Zombies<br /><br />What use is syndicalism?<br />A short, concise story of revolutiuonary syndicalism and the Italian Syndical union - the attempt to make the damage caused to our movement by the syndical ideology - the inactuality today more than ever of the anarcho-syndicalist theses that would like to become fashionable again on the wave of the struggles of the Cobas - the revolutionary struggle finds itself today beyond any syndicalist dimension.<br /><br />“The poem of the lunatics”<br />Twenty years from ‘68 the intellectuals are still convinced of having to give their words to who has never had them - a book that is quite good weighed down by this burden. national heroes are ridiculised and their and “our” story is demythisised.<br /><br /><br />“Salvador” by Oliver stone<br />“The first victim of war is not innocence but ignorance” - from an episode of the Salvadorean revolution a film has been made which although it denounces injustice, does not go into the causes.<br /><br />“Generals”...<br />A desacratory critique of the logic of martyrdom and sanctifying preached by some comrades - better to receive from the State the little “gratifying” name of “sociopathic” to clarify an aversion to “civil society”.<br /><br />Against demo...<br />The democratic practice cannot be a part of the revolutionary baggage - a committee that emerges for the liberation of one single comrade must also oppose itself to the very logic of extradition.<br /><br />Azzeccagarbuglie...<br />A few gems concerning the opening of a debate with the marxist comrades who recognise themselves in a libertarian organisational ambit - against those who aim at making appear passive subjects the promoters of the “political solution”.<br /><br />Struggle...Turin<br />Turin is like everywhere else - an incredible city where lack of spaces is deeply felt - from 1984 there have been numerous attempts at occupation - this attempt marks the beginning of the first “self-managed” space occupied in the city - “Avaria tries again, win and disappear”.<br /><br />Let’s switch off...<br />We must unmask attempts of those who “demonise” radio and television because in reality they are aspiring to a “clean” management of it - it is necessary to attack the mediato have circulate revolutionary information which is the only true possibility of communication.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-19027716177213652022009-12-25T14:06:00.001-08:002009-12-25T15:00:13.871-08:00ISSUE EIGHTThe Head and the Sand<br /> Most of the Italian anarchist movement has been asking itself a variety of questions over the past few years, with the critical capacity that a not exactly brilliant situation allows.<br /> Among these problems there has also been that of the diminution of anarchist specificity and the growth in a vast area of antagonism that is not exactly anarchist, at least in name, but is moving along libertarian lines.<br /> Excluding the marginal cases of those who consider anarchists to be only those that declare themselves such in principle and in theory, there is the (greater) part of the movement that has tried in various ways to enter into “contact” with this area of antagonism that we could define “libertarian”.<br /> It seems to us that there has been a fundamental mistake, caused by the claim to start from consolidated positions: those, precisely, of anarchism as a political movement, trying to establish itself as a point of reference towards which that area should have moved. Details and breakdowns of personal incomprehension, fear and uncertainty, have done the rest. The result, no one has moved, in fact the area of the above has been sucked in, if not as a whole, at least in part in the multi-coloured game of the green “swamp” or the “nebulous” autonomia.<br /> Perhaps one could have been less rigid. Not so much in the essential context of anarchist principles, as on this one can’t do less than some formulations of method that distinguish us from one and all, so much as the mentality of considering ourselves carriers of the truth, therefore towered up in defence of this “sacred” nucleus from which any external contamination should be kept far away.<br /> We think it was a mistake was to consider only the movement that embellishes itself with the name “anarchist”, with all its practical contradictions and ideological clarity.<br /> Anarchism is something more ample and spontaneous. The anarchist process of movement and transformation is already “in events” a long time before a detailed ideological precision intervenes. This is the wealth of anarchism and, from the organisational point of view, it is also one of its limitations, an obstacle that will prevent it, for ever, from reaching historically quantifiable results of power (and you call that a limit!).<br /> To remain closed up in an archaic concept of anarchism means to keep one’s head under the sand, act like an acephalus body devoid of cognition of time and place, transformation and evolution.<br /> Reality is moving fast, to remain under the sand might be comfortable, but it is a sure sign of incapacity and inactivity.<br /><br />NUMBER EIGHT<br /><br />WHY WE ARE AGAINST REFERENDUMS (AMB) <br />Head and Sand - editorial<br />Giuseppe Coniglio gets 14 months<br />Disadventures of “circulatory intelligences”<br />Hoes and Pitchforks<br />Repression in Calabria<br />Destruction of General Casarico’s House - Attempt to incriminate AMB<br />Limits of Self-management PLP<br />Monkeys Rebel<br />Trial Against Crocenera<br />The Piss-up is over, the Struggle Continues<br />But What History are we Talking About?<br />A Reply to Senza Patria<br />Anti-Nuclear in RFT<br />Pylon Sabotaged<br />Examples of Proletarian solidarity<br />No to Medical Controls<br />Escape<br />Prisoners’ Struggle in France<br />Anticlericalism<br />Against the Dictatorship<br />Freedom for Roberto Gemigmami<br /><br />NUMBER NINE<br /><br />Frankfurt: Proletarian Violence and State Terrorism<br />Respectable Padova in Furs Frightened<br />Anarchists in Greece Criminalised<br />The Arms Factory Oerlikon - Italy in Crisis<br />Coniglio Trial<br />Editorial<br />Catania anarchist Group Gives Problems<br />From Inside the Nuovo Prison<br />Student Demos in Athens<br />Outside the courts<br />A\Few Excerpts From the Depositions of the Comrades Arrested in Greece<br />Flight Forward<br />Frankfurt Airport<br />The Struggle in Frankfurt, Berlin, Hamburg<br />Dimension Change<br />Critical cues on Vegetarianism<br />ALF<br />Obstacles to the House Squats in holland<br />Gibbons Freed in Rome<br />BUT ARE THERE ONLY FROGS IN THE GREEN SWAMP’ (AMB)* (?Insurrection)<br />Police Frame Up in Calabria Crumbles<br />Throwing the Ball Back<br />OV Defence Committee<br />Water War Breaks Out in Naples<br />Positive Data: More Thefts in Italy<br />Antimilitarism in Israel<br />Student Revolt in Austria<br />Blackout Metropolitan/Aggressive Movement<br />Gradualism or Insurrectionalism PLP<br />NOCs called to Evist<br />Pylon Damaged<br />Homeless Struggle in Milan<br />A Necessary Demarcation Line<br />ANSA Declaration Joe Fallisi<br />But What Are We Talking About?<br />Non-sharing of a Choice<br />Anything But Clarity!<br />Against French Colonialism in Tahiti<br />Sabotage against the “Same” of Treviglio<br />Comidad: The Usual Black Crows<br />No Revolution Today, Wait Untill Tomorrow<br />Is it Possible to Build an alternative to the “Alternatives”?<br />Let’s Kill Them, As Soon As They are Born<br />Against the Police<br />Bosses’ Democracy<br />Against the Carabinieri in Sardinia<br />Revolt in the French Prisons<br />In Gaza the Palestinians Rise Up Against the colons<br />Against the Dictatorship in Turkey<br />Trial at Massa<br /><br />Issue nine (cont.9<br /><br />Frogs...<br />The green arcipelago between party and movement - what methods: pacifist symbolic actions or practical attack within class conflict? - Is there a possibility of a revolutionary collaboration with those who are opposing themselves to the destruction of nature and therefore of man, starting precisely from the practice and methods of small objectives spread over the territory?<br /><br />Calabria<br />Calabria comrades released - yet another attempt to criminalise anarchists failed miserably - in no way intimidated comrades who are carrying on their struggle against the institutions.<br /><br />Gradualism<br />A few precisions about the debate in course - what is gradualism applied to revolutionary practice and theory? - the insurrectional concept of anarchists - Malatesta’s ideas on the subject - what are the reasons for gradualism that some comrades support based on ?<br /><br />Housing, Milan<br />Old and new conditions of the struggle for housing in Milan - how to make rage go beyond the pre-established containers of social-democratic possibilism - every exploited should move according to their own decisions and motivations - against all those who want to politically manage the struggles of proletarians.<br /><br />A line..<br />The “personalised” application of article 14 bis of the Gozzini law - the reply of a communist prisoner to the positions of Curcio and comrades.<br /><br />Art?<br />The englobement of the artist in contemporary society - reality contributes to creating the work of art at the same time it creates the artist - it is an illusion to think that the subjectivity of our dreams can vehicle a content that is completely different - in this situation artistic sensitivity that wants to express itself must address itself towards vitalising a creativity that is destructive, always finding forms that are best suited to this aim.<br /><br />Clarity...<br />A few critical notes on the comidad piece - attempt to compare our insurrectionalist anarchist theses with those supported by the Autonomia.<br /><br />“Alternative”...<br />The managers of the “alternative pubs” on trial - the desire to socialise is being mercified in these places - will we manage to liberate self-managed spaces?<br /><br />Kill them...<br />The elimination of the newborn as a solution to handicap - the “different” is usually only tolerated as a faithful Christian - a society based on profit and competition such as ours cannot be too subtle.<br /><br /><br />Chronicle missingUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-37932173551364906512009-12-25T14:05:00.000-08:002009-12-25T14:57:25.213-08:00ISSUE SEVENThe Horizon is Clearing<br /><br /> The pace and modality of recuperation are being perfected. The State is almost getting its breath back. From the past convulsions caused by the “contingency”. They are directing themselves towards a restoring of “order” and “legality”.<br /> Everybody is in a hurry to forget. Even the old Leninist ruins are tinting themselves with many gaudy colours to make people forget the uniformity of that red they had undeservingly borrowed from the colour of the blood versed by fallen proletarians.<br /> Everybody is forgetting in a hurry. They are painting over the facade. They are taking an interest in new things (as a manner of speaking) entering the antinuclear forces, struggles for housing, the cultural debate, opinionism taken to the extreme. They are struggling for rights (and also for “law”), they are making smoke, a lot of smoke, to hide behind.<br /> Then there are those who “share” (in words of course) but abstain, keeping themselves in an unstable equilibrium, a respectable distance from those that are disavowing and those that have nothing to disavow because they never did anything more than a bus ride without a ticket. They do not want to estrange themselves, either with the advancing wave of disavowed, or with the forces of conservatism (inside and outside the revolutionary movement). So they are developing the role of social indicators, they isolate, like spies, police informers, renegades and the new conscripts of the respectability of opinion.<br /> The horizon is getting clearer, the possibilities of confusion are decreasing. Anyone with eyes to see, look. Those that have ears to hear, listen.<br /><br />Main articles<br /><br />NUMBER SEVEN<br /><br />Editorial: The Horizon is getting Clearer<br />Engulfed (War)<br />In Defence of Radio Onda Rossa<br />Prisons and Warders in the Metropoli<br />Escapes<br />Against the US in Greece<br />“Rota Zora”<br />Giuseppe Coniglio Arrested<br />Prisoners Revolt<br />Reveange of a Sacked Man<br />Against Montalto Di Castro<br />Jamaican Carneval<br />Against the Technosystem<br />IRA Offensive<br />Orazio Valastro Released<br />Soubrettes in the Limelight<br />A Few Little things<br />A Spectacle of consensusPLP<br />...And be Good, I’m Warning you<br />Attack on the Barracks<br />THE ARMED WING OF SCIENCE (AMB)* (Propulsive Utopia)<br />Zamberletti the Hero<br />Revolt in French Prisons<br />Bomb Attacks in Greece<br />Offensive in Chile<br />Battle in Haiti<br />Repression in Palermo<br />Palermo- Ordinary Repressive Madness<br />Pylons down<br />Greek Anarchist Union is born<br />Bad Boys<br />Stockholm Laid Waste<br />Anti-guerriglia Theoretician Killed<br />Hard Times for the Nazis<br />Attacks against Furriers<br />Against the NATO<br />Imperial Palace Struck<br />Monuments Daubed<br /><br />Chronicle missinUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-51536611032975936502009-12-25T14:04:00.001-08:002009-12-30T01:38:15.794-08:00ISSUE SIXEditorial<br /><br />Starting off from the more or less sad disappearance of the ideology and practice of the armed party, many considerations can be made about taking up the revolutionary struggle in Italy and other European countries again.<br />It is undeniable that this resumption exists and cannot be distorted by either the accusations of so many respectable people old and new that are trying to minimise a subversive practice that is spreading in a capillary way (even if in embryo), nor by the exaltation of so many old figures who insist on crystalising redundant super-actions, which in their opinion will have a sure effect on the media.<br />So it is that each time one finds oneself “qualifying” a general subversive deed with the old blessing of “armed struggle” (in the best of cases) or “terrorism” (when someone prefers to use the language of the police files), one is doing nothing other than confuse things irreparably I’d say.<br />This is the reality we are talking about, obviously corresponding in an antagonistic way to the profound change taking place in the productive structure and the related process of social control. The substitution of the old models of centralised revolutionary endeavour with models of pulverisation and spreading of the destructive intervention over the territory is now almost a certainty.<br />There can undoubtedly be delays in awareness of these situations. That is simply because none of us can say we are satisfied with the analytical examination of reality as a whole (economic and social), it can never be up to the sudden multiform changes that this presents at every moment. But there can be other reasons for this delay. Fear and ideological lateness, defence of symbols and circumscription of political territories.<br />In this field the delay is immense. Here argument and rumour is taking the place of struggle and intervention in reality.<br />Fear makes one see “terrorists” everywhere and confuses the ideas of the most upright and correct person in the world. Within the enclosure of his everyday activity this worthy person interests himself in the sort of his kin and humanity in general. This redeemer restored to life also comes out into the streets to demonstrate, but cannot have an exact (and perhaps not even sufficient) knowledge of what is going on in the world. His circumscribed universe (generally tolerant, polite, well disposed, clean, ordered, deterministically built and enlightendly supported by good proposals) leads him to seeing anything different and disturbing as the work of adverse forces of bustle and chaotic detruction. So the “terrorist” ends up sleeping by his bed, disturbs his dreams, enters his reading of the morning paper and accompanies him to the political meetings that he attends regularly once a week.<br />In such conditions the delay is irreperable. It is no longer a delay in information or analysis, but an historic delay, we might also say a class delay. And this delay leads him to an unfathomable abyss, which he himself digs, with systematic arrogance, to distance himself more and more from all that disturbs his dreams, to exorcise any sign of the passage of turbulence.<br />We are sure that none of our few readers see themselves in this outline that we are deliberately obscuring in darkest traces. And this gives great joy to the present writer. No one is prepared to see themselves as closed and idiotic. In spite of that the world is full of idiots and closed people.<br />Then there are the marks of repression. That has its own time. It travels slowly but moves forward surely. It takes as good everything before it. On the basis of the law (or kind of) it measures years and special conditions of imprisonment. For it a revolver is a revolver and a stick of dynamite is a stick of dynamite. The perspectives of liberation within which such means can be used do not interest them at all. Repression is like that. It can, and often does, see in the enemy of today the collaborator of tomorrow, at least at the level of setting up new forms of power. But these are things anarchists know and understand well. Basically, the men of power of the present and those of tomorrow always end up understanding each other. For us things are different. For us the means of revolution are purely and exclusively means of liberation. When we use them, our perspective is one alone. But repression doesn’t care. On the contrary, it comes down heavy, certain that it will never be able to make a pact with us.<br />That is why even the smallest signs are grasped right away. Something moves, not in the emperium of ideology and chit chat, but in a generalised subversive practice. The repression does not know exactly what this something is (on the other hand neither do we), but it acts directly and immediately, striking the visible signs nearest to those that have always been the carriers of the generalisation of the struggle, those who have always struggled against specialisation and centralisation of the revolutionary clash. What does it matter that it is not possible to reach one that is objectively responsible? What does it matter that facts, places and identity do not correspond? The desire for a generalised subversive practice correspond. Feelings and theory correspond. Analyses and indications of struggle correspond.<br />And we agree. The concept is right. We are responsible for these generalised and parcelised actions that might take place, that are taking place. It is we that have dreamed, hoped, theorised, supposed such actions possible, while they all remained fascinated by the great spectacles of the revolutionary process: those who waited for them like the vengeance of who can do much, to those who put it off like the greatest ill of the century. We thought other things.<br />May these things come about. In its long tortuous course the social revolution is unfortunately constrained to passing through these infinitely small paths that are all linked together, tracing the web of a project that is undoubtedly wider than that which we are able to imagine at the present time.<br />We do not want to be an obstacle to the free and potent development of this destructive capacity. We only hope that other forces that still claim to define themselves revolutionary do not do so.<br />Let us leave the job of putting fires out to the fire brigade. We won’t do work that doesn’t concern us.<br /><br />Main articles<br /><br />Editorial: Away From Uncertainty<br />Door of Palermo Cathedral Burned<br />Struggles Against Distillary in Gallipoli<br />Sardinia, against Power<br />Via Zenale Lives<br />Repressive Attack Against ProvocAzione<br />Attack against Police in S. Africa<br />Searches in Prison<br />Gozzini Law and Annihilation in Prison<br />In Corea Against Dictatorship<br />Ghost in Court<br />Insurrectional antimilitarism<br />Repressive Attack Against Anarchismo<br />Open Letter to Anarchist Movement - Via Zenale<br />The Political Ghost (AMB)<br />Barbie, Defender of the ‘Free World’<br />Ghetto<br />Against elections in Catania<br />ETA Attack<br />Clashes in Panama<br />Raids in Sicily (Ragusa, Giarratana)<br />Against False Consciousness<br />Hospitality for Reagan<br />Caspa constituted -Prisoners, Spain<br />Repression against Avaria<br />against the NATO<br />Clashes in Peru<br />Against the Censiment<br />Leaflet Milan<br />Prison Revolts in Poland<br />Anti-fascism in bologna<br />Antimilitarism, Fort Prenestino, Rome<br />Vicenza - Main Line Electricity Supply to Ederle. Arson Attack<br />Against Reagan in Berlin<br />Turin - Trials Against Comrades of Avaria<br /><br />Chronicle<br /><br />Door of Cathedral in Milan burned<br /><br />Palermo cathedral attacked on various occasions recently. Curate declares “The Cathedral is under siege by the underworld. We’ve had enough, all the bandits are under ten years of age”.<br /><br />Sardinia against power. Various bombs explode in Samassi, near Cagliari against carabinieri barracks, Tonara, near Nuoro, against home of communist vice-mayor, Desulo, near Orani, heart of Barbagia, against town hall and parents of communist mayor.<br /><br />Repression against ProvocAzione. Palermo tribunal - instruction opened against 8 people, including AMB - for aggravated theft, arson and defamation following action claimed by “Revolutionary Nuclei” (see Provo. no 2) claiming destruction of General Carlo Casarico’s house in Mezzojuso, near Palermo for his responsibility in nazi Kappler’s escape.<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />No 6.<br /><br />Against elections: Catania - Anarchist group leaflet about abstentionist struggle during elections<br /><br />ETA attack: explosive charge against State refinery of Empetrol in Tarragona port Spain. Furious fire destroys for millions of pesetas - 2000 tons of carburante. Eta claim attack, against “terrorist propaganda”.<br /><br />Panama: clashes - antigovernment demonstrations - to obstruct advance of repressive forces - elements of rcuperation in this movement - church, military “rebels”, but also reasons of poverty and suffering. thousands of proletarians in streets, clash with police who use hydrants and tear gas-<br /><br />Raids in Sicily: Raids in Ragusa (Franco Leggio, Pippo Gurrieri, anarchist circle, and others) Modica (printers), Giarratana, Pippo Scarso, Pietrapercia - “looking for arms and explosives” - Only thing taken: a leaflet re attack on pylon in Pasquasia (see issue 4)<br /><br />Reagan: In protest against visit in June in Rome, tyres burned in Lungotevere Tebaldi, near Vatican. Traffic slowed up. “Reagan go home”. slogans on cars and buses. small groups of demonstartors organise protests in various parts of the city.<br /><br />CASPA formed - Coordination for prisoners aid and solidarity, Corres 55106 - MadridUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-82994243404981608522009-12-25T14:01:00.000-08:002009-12-25T14:54:47.669-08:00ISSUE FIVEThe ProvocAzione continues. Ours of course, already in its fifth month of life.<br /> Five issues are not much, but they can help whoever wants to to understand something. To the others, those who like don Abbondio lack the courage to understand, no one can give the strength to come out from boredom or hollow chatter.<br /> We must therefore register two kinds of reply: on the one hand the positive one, subscriptions and comrades distributing, continually increasing (beyond our optimistic previsions, the stabilising of 2,000 copies printed); on the other the negative side, the superficial critiques, the silences, the insinuations that our movement never tires of.<br /> We are, obviously, happy about the positive response, not the negative one. Not because we don’t like criticism, but precisely because when it reaches us it has been scarce and has only dealt with marginal aspects and not the content. Questions of form, the distribution of material, the space given to individual expressions of revolt, also the most minute. All here. No one took on the paper’s function (negative or positive), no one has been serious enough to critically face the analytical proposal supported by the paper, i.e. pointing to small actions of dissent (unfortunately also symbolic), but as a complement to and perfectionment of the class attack as a whole.<br /> On the other hand, once again we must register the usual chatter circulating in the movement about what we mean by the struggle and about many other things as well. We hope that this tendency will continue to diminish and will be able to open up a productive confrontation (for whoever has an interest in developing it) that turns out to be useful to all the comrades who want to act.<br /> For our part, we reconfirm our intent to widen the content of ProvocAzione in such a way that the capacity of the real movement to produce not just a series of separate attacks on the class enemy, but also a spontaneous coordination, a kind of self-organised relationship that can be reada between the lines of events and is itself creating a real theoretical reply, becomes evident. Of course, this proposal would be clearer if the number of events reported and commented upon was greater. But that is linked to the present editorial limits that we are trying to overcome, let’s say over the next few issues<br /><br />Main articles<br /><br />Antagonism Criminalised (PLP)<br />Montalto di Castro<br />Positive and Negative<br />Between the Voice of Conscience and Old Lace AMB<br />Repression in Greece<br />Direct Action Against Evictions<br />In Greece Against the NATO<br />No More Chains PLP<br />Strikes in Spain<br />A different 1st of May<br />Chernobyl Anniversary<br />DON’T VOTE, AND THEN? (AMB)<br />Sardinia: Asfalt Doesn’t Swallow Us Up<br />Protest in S. Corea<br />“Only sheep let themselves be counted” Germany, census<br />Organizational Doicument of Absenteeist Structures<br />School Attacked<br />Chivass: Teaching College Burned<br />Foreigners and the Blackmail of the CGIL<br />Antimilitarism: What Objection?<br />Clashes in Milan<br />Against General Motors<br />“Community” Sickness (AMB)<br />Another state Murder - Pentiti Mai<br />Rage in S. Africa Budini<br />‘Statale’ University Occupied in Milan<br />Protest in Japan<br />Against the Pope Everywhere<br /> IRA Offensive<br />Roberto Gemigniani etc against French Democracy<br />Attacks in Peru<br />Defence committee O.V.<br /><br />Chronicle<br /><br />Following first blocks against nuclear power stations of Trino Vercellese, Montalto di Castro and Caorso, the first intimidatory raids take place against some comrades of antagonist groups.<br /><br />In Greece against the Nato - American military forces bus struck by a home made explosive device activated at a distance in Greece. 10 American military wounded, 8 Greek. Attack claimed by group 17 november.<br /><br />Direct action against eviction - “counter eviction” against Technocasa in via Cenisio 59, against evictions. Leaflet left... it is time to pass from complaining to attack. It is time to spread the practice of real liberation in the social field.<br /><br />Strikes in Spain - Social rebellion increases in Spain, strikes of various categories are on the increase. Following recent transport strike on april 16 in Reinosa in the Cantagrica region, metal workers clash with guardia Civile to protest, among other things, against the Cenemesa, a State firm which announced its intention to lay off 146 of the 400 employees. 22 wounded, 2 serious.<br /><br />A different 1st May. In Salvador a column of Fronte Farabundo Marti attacks the fourth army distaccamento causing 9 dead. Also in Chile the Patriotic Fronte Manual Rodrigues wanted to remember the first day of May felling seven pylons with dynamite charges. The attack caused a gigantic blackout from north to south of the country, in an area unhabited by 12 million chileans. Different ways of celebrating the memory of the Chicago martyrs.<br /> <br />Chernobyl - on the first anniversary of the nuclear disaster of 26.4.86 on April 25, numerous demonstrations took place against nuclear power in various countries.<br /><br />France, Thionville, about 3,000 demand immediate closure of Cattenom, destined to becoming the most potent nuclear power station in europe.<br /><br />Germany, demonstrations in Hamburg (party election poster burned) Bavaria, Berlin, in front of recycling plant for radioactive waste in Wacjersdorf, Nurimburg, Wuerzburg, Kiel, Bonn, to mention only a few.<br /><br />Bern - antinuclear demo ends with violent clashes between demonstrators and police.<br /><br />Holland - block in front of allumnium factory Pechiney Borssele, clashes with police.<br /><br />Tokyo - about a thousand people, and Prague (5 Greenpeace ecologists arrested)<br /><br />Sardinia: population of Tempio Pausiania (la Fumosa) decide to oppose the construction of a road destined to pass over their homes and cut through trunks of cork trees.<br /><br />South Korea - student protests continue - 16 April, clashes with police, stones and molotovs “We will overturn Chun’s dictatorship”.<br /><br />Also anniversary of student uprising of 1960 - whole of Korean police in a state of alert. about 120,000 already mobilised against universities and colleges.<br /><br />Only sheep get counted. In various towns in Germany boycott of imminent census in preparation, resulting in police raids. First demos take place on May 1. Kreuzberg - all night clashes. Incendiary attacks in town on shops and cars. 42 wounded, 50 held.<br /><br />Attack on school - April 27, Rho (Milan). Avoiding cameras and putting guard dog to sleep they climb wall and reach first floor window of head’s office and destroy documents, break into teachers’ room and empty drawers. Registers and report cards piled into rubbish bag and taken away to be destroyed or thrown into nearby river.<br />Chivasso teachers college burnt. One Sunday night in the beginning of May, flames rise from registers piled up in the corridor and set alight. In teachers’ room and library, everything burnt. Building structure and heating plant damaged. “Under the flames, one of the structures of power has come down. Fire is easy and is not selective”.<br /><br />Clashes in Milan. At Neil Young concert, a number of wounded (youths and police) and 6 arrests for “insult and resisting arrest” - May 5, the concert was organised by Milan Sound, by mayor and city council at Palatrussardi which holds 10,000. Just as many remain outside when police charge with tear gas and truncheons and even shoot. Replied to with stones and bottles Police end up beating each other up.<br /><br /><br />Retrial in Naples of Orazio Valastro for desertion. He declares his refusal against arms is that he refuses to use them against the exploited, not against exploiters at the opportune moment. So not a pacifist or moral choice, but a revolutionary anarchist decision.<br /><br />Mexico City - bomb attack on night of April 13 - serious damage to installations.<br /><br /><br />Germany - attacks against new ID cards in use in Germany which will soon reach Italy. <br />A movement of sabotage has begun against them in Germany. It is enough to wash the card at 60 degrees to make them insensitive to computer reading.Official excuse: washed by mistake in washing machine.<br /><br />Italy leading arms industry - in 1984 80,000 were employed in arms production. 7,000 billion income. They produce about 3 per cent of arms produced in the world.<br /><br />Nuclear secrets in Britain. Defence Ministry inadvertently make public a few strictly reserved documents concerning nuclear armaments. At the end of January a ministerial bulletin had opened a race for the construction of detonators destined tactic Wel77 in dotazione of the bomber Tornado. One of the industries that supply these detonators is Graseby Dynamics. Until now, GB had denied having used nuclear bombs.<br /><br />Three boys. Three boys in the night, 13, 14, 15 put not only their school in difficulty, but the whole surrounding village near Porto Marghera. Each night for the past month they have thrown stones at the school windows, smashing them. A few days later they introduced themselves, still at night, into the school, destroyed the registers, broke all the telephones and many teaching instruments. Then they decided to blow up the school a few nights later. They broke into the nearby Tron army explosives depot in Marghera avoiding armed surveillance, entering the modernised building with relative ease. Just as they are about to put their plan into effect, a fourth boy informs his parents and carabinieri.<br /><br />Against fascists. Student collective at Bologna University occupy law faculty in protest against a meeting organised by the fascist Fuan. Over 40 held over by police.<br /><br />Antinuclear insurrection. In Aldeavilla, Spain, a village of just 3,000 inhabitants about 300 Km from Madrid, about 300 people from the village insurge, attacking the local administration structures and taking employees hostage. The reason was their refusal of a project to build a nuclear research laboratory. Next day another 15000 people joined the 500 inhabitants of the village who participated in the struggle blocking the traffic and closing the shops.<br /><br />Attacks in Germany - the Rhine army headquarters which is near Moenchen Gladbach in Westphalia was attacked by a car bomb which wounded thirty-one soldiers - 27 Germans and four English - smashed the building hosting the officers’ mess and practically disintegrated a building making a hole of 2 metres. The Rhine army is the British Nato military contingent. According to a claim published in Belfast the attack was carried out by the IRA.<br /><br />Against AEM, Milan - Some of the equipment of the AEM municipal electric company in Milan was destroyed at the beginning of April. In particular, a crane belonging to the Sinco group. Encircled As were found drawn on two cars parked nearby. <br /><br />Clashes at political science.<br /><br /><br />School occupied in Milan - May 13 State University occupied in protest against increase in taxes. President’s office used as “press and propaganda commission” by students. “Always occupy” and “Let’s take everything back” sprayed on walls.<br /><br />Japan - Demonstration of ecologists April 17 to block work of enlarging international airport of Narita, about 40 kilometres from tokio. clashes with police. 111 arrests.<br /><br />Against the Pope. During Pope’s visit to Chile various protest demos, violently attacked by police. Peace of clergymen disturbed, using loudspeakers and religious music and slogans they try to cover up the people’s rage. Clashes go on all night, an unknown number of arrests and wounded.<br /><br />In Argentina, a bomb of TNT with a slow combustion fuse explodes in the Plaza de Mayo near the Casa Rosada, residence of government and president of the republic. Caused considerable damage to the statue of Christopher Colombo and nearby buildings housing Defence ministries and the armed forces headquarters.<br /><br />In Germany, first contestation before Pope’s visit, in Koln with graffiti. Pope in profile in the sight of a gun, with biblical quote “blessed is he who enters the kingdom of heaven”, followed by “Joh” and number 4711, name of a well known eau de Cologne. then a particularly warm welcome for the Pope. Two churches burned (one near stadium where Pope officiates) causing over 2 million marks’ damage. Graffiti on cathedral. Various marches take place.<br /><br />IRA offensive: April 25 car bomb parked on motorway between Belfast and Dublin blows up as car passes carrying Northern Ireland high court judge, killing him along with his wife. Maurice Gibson, one of the most authoritative judges of Ireland in 1984 had aquitted 3 members of the security forces resposible the year before for the killing of three IRA combattents returning from Armagh. Three explosive letters then sent to government employees and mortar bombs shot at British security forces. Three explosive letters sent to Margaret Thatcher.<br /><br />Attacks in Peru - guerrillas of “Sendero Luminoso” attack hydroelectric central at Mantano river, putting Lima and the central south of the country in darkness. Just the first in a number of attacks which on May 4 saw about a dozen attacks in just over an hour and a half against ministries, police stations, banks.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-479029240729986621.post-58651524684757937542009-12-25T14:00:00.001-08:002009-12-25T14:53:20.589-08:00ISSUE FOURWe are putting forward the idea that many comrades today cannot find the thread to get to the root of the apparent tight corner proposed by ‘ProvocAzione’.<br /> They thus give the impression that they do not even want to make the necessary effort to find this thread, or, on the contrary, to demonstrate that it does not exist, that we are incoherent and confused. It is not enough to bury our heads in the sand hoping that in the meantime a good fairy will make the nightmare disappear. It is not enough to ignore what is happening before our very eyes.<br /> The fact is that we have clearly pointed out what ‘side’ it was necessary to read us from, and we have done that on an analytical basis that does not seem to have received the attention it deserves.<br /> Small actions, which we have been documenting and will be doing so even more in future issues, are (for anyone that might have realised it) in themselves an analytical proposal that perhaps not everybody might agree with. They are always an indication of the struggle and indicate the profound modifications that the structure of the productive relations of dominion are undergoing.<br /> To ignore all that, entrenching oneself behind the illusion that it is a question of disconnected signs of an empty, affected rebellionism that will sooner or later end up with a possible rekindling of our dreams, means closing one’s eyes because reality is too ugly to look at.<br /> Or, if you like, it means something else. Even worse. Not sharing certain prospectives of struggle and finding neither the arguments nor the courage to say openly that one is for other methods or other roads addressed towards a non-conflictual form of negotiation, means one doesn’t even know oneself and what one wants to do.<br /> If one does not agree with the method of attack, why not say it clearly without the academic drivel? Because, sooner or later something must be said. If our proposal to widen the range of attacks to more simple objectives pulverised throughout the territory, does not please. If antithetical proposals (but which do not oppose ours) of attacks on the large structures of power (for example army bases and nuclear power stations) doesn’t suit either. May someone point out an alternative that is not simply that of a negation of what we or other antagonist forces have proposed.<br /> But in order to do that and not simply hide behind the haze of philosophical chatter “I don’t read you, I don’t understand you, I don’t agree”, it is necessary to find the logical thread we are in favour of.<br /> To simply hope that this bad nightmare of ProvocAzione will disappear by itself so that everything can return to the usual “pub talk”, is a vain one as far as we are concerned.<br /> We have every intention of carrying on.<br /><br />PRESS COMMUNIQUÉ<br /><br />From reading the newspapers we learn of the arrest of a number of members of an inexistant group “Anarchism and provocazione”. We neither wish to nor are able to say anything concerning the crimes the investigators consider them responsible for, nor the connections or relations they refer to, which are confused to say the least. We only want to point out, as comrades belonging to the Editorial groups of “Anarchismo” and of “ProvocAzione” that we have nothing to do with any clandestine organisation whatsoever, particularly an incredible organisation “Anarchismo and provocazione”.<br />Apart from our work as anarchists and revolutionaries that we reaffirm here with pride even at a time like this where there are signs on the horizon of one of the most clamorous frame ups of recent years (and it won’t be the first), we want to make clear the inexistance of a “continuism” between our publications and the organisation that operated in the past under the name of “Azione Rivoluzionaria”. The fact - as has been pointed out - that our editions published a book containing the communiqués of this organisation, cannot be considered adhesion or participation, in that we have also published other books expressing opinions that are diametrically opposed (something that the newspapers have not troubled to report).<br />We think that individual choices, revolutionary or not, should be claimed for what they are: personal decisions that cannot involve structures of the anarchist movement simply because that plays into the hands of a particularly ambitious examining magistrate.<br />It is necessary to do everything possible to denounce this particularly crazed and odious frame up at every level. Such a thing as “anarchist terrorism” has never existed. Nor have there been anarchists that are stupid enough to lightly give life to events such as those stated by the press, signing themselves in the name of a paper or a review.<br /><br />Main articles<br /><br />Find the Thread<br />The Greens and Methane<br />Struggle for Housing in Milan<br />Against School<br />Clashes at the Polytechnic<br />Technological Practical Joke<br />The Struggle in the European Ports<br />Defence Committee for Orazio Valastro<br />In Orgosola Against the Carabinieri<br />Antimilitarist Committee in Catania<br />Attack on Oto Melara, Spezia<br />National Liberation in Corsica<br />Antimilitarist Demos in Catania<br />Referendum, an Instrument of Power<br />Women Against Eviction<br />Attack on South African Embassy<br />Pope Recuperator<br />A QUESTION OF CLASS(AMB)* (Insurrection)<br />Against annihilation<br />Capitalist restructuring and Prison Logic<br />The Gozzini Law of 10.10.86<br />The Green Marsh and its Frogs<br />Pylon Destroyed in Pasquasia<br />ETA in Barcelona<br />In Memory of “Pedro”<br />No Delegation Against War<br />Sabotage in RFT Against New ID Cards<br />Three Boys in the Night<br />Once Upon a Time There Was a General<br />Nostalgia and Memory<br />Against the Fascists<br />Cinema Action/Video in Turin<br />Attack in Germany<br />Against AEM in Milan<br />Antinuclear Insurrections<br />Extraditions From France<br />Clashes at Political Science<br /><br /><br />Chronicle<br /><br />Against school - “Bertrand Russell” science high school, was set fire to at the end of March during the night. The teacher’s room was set fire to, causing considerable damage, cupboards.<br /><br />Clashes: struggle committee against death production organise demo against “A technological strategy for Europe” conference. Eggs thrown, paint sprayed as professors talked. <br /><br />*check here<br />leaflet handed out against ENEL. “We throw the shit back on those who give us shit. No surrender to the atom gang and their friends. “Against death production, direct action”.<br /><br />Technological joke: Milan, at the Fiera, period sanctuary of most advanced technology, joke played against the electronic myth during conference. “Intelligence and innovation of the new Italy”. Suddenly, on the screen where the slides were being shown to illustrate CNR president’s talk, a clear message appeared. “Stop! We’re pissed off!”<br /><br />Dockers’ struggles in Europe: South European docks struggles in 1986 -\following restructuring according to requirements of the multinationals of sea traffic.<br /><br />Orgosola: petrol bomb, home made, exploded during night of April 4 in Orgosola against carabinieri barracks. Station commander’s car destroyed and damage done to barracks.<br /><br />Corsica: National liberation struggle in Corsica continues. In 1986 alone, 522 armed attacks, most using plastic explosives. March 21, the whole island alight with over 50 attacks - public buildings, party headquarters, politician’s homes, etc attacked, on the evening of the elections.<br /><br />Oto Melaracompany in La Spezia (State participation) - produces war material, attacked beginning of April with 23 sticks of dynamite.<br />Carabinieri on patrol disactivate explosive intended to damage the death factory responsible among other things for the production of Leopard armoured cars. <br /><br />During an anti-militarist meeting at the social Sciences faculty at Catania University, anarchist Giuseppe Coniglio reads a declaration of his total objection against military service, tears up his call up papers.<br /><br />Women against eviction: over 100, who with their families are squatting in the San Paolo area in Bari, threatened with eviction, attack the housing institute responsible, turning over the president’s office and manhandling employees. One director wounded, as well as a number of police who intervene to throw the women out.<br /><br />South African embassy<br />Mid March about 150 people climb the wall of the South African embassy in Paris, Quai d’Orsay, and once in the garden break into 1st floor offices, damaging furniture etc. Slogans on walls denouncing 4 year sentence inflicted by courts on Frenchmen who refused to wtiness against 5 anti-apartheid demonstrators accused of “terrorism”.<br /><br />Eta Barcelona - 2 attacks against police in Barcelona: end of March car explodes near Guardia Civile barracks, 1 policeman killed, 17 wounded. April, explosion as police van passes - one civilian killed and 2 policemen wounded. There have been 5 such attacks in Barcelona since September.<br /><br />In memory of Pedreo: two nocturnal attacks in Mestre and Padova, against policemen’s homes. In Mestre 2 molotovs against policeman’s home. Padova, 2 gunshots against vicequestor’s house.<br /><br />Clashes at Political Science Faculty following electoral meeting organised by Fuan fascists in collaboration with New Perspectives, students from the struggle, students from the struggle committee of political science throw bins of rubbish over them.<br /><br />Antinuclear insurrection - Aldeadavilla, Spain, town of about 2,000 inhabitants 300 Km from Madrid, about 300 people from the village insurge, attacking the local administration structures and taking the provincial employee hostage.<br /><br />Extradition from France - the Chambre d’Accusation in Versailles approves the extradition of comrades Roberto Gemignani and Roberta Sorragi. Another extradition sentence emitted against Salvatore Cirincione and Orestino Domenicheli.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com